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Reform in the Australian Public Service 1983-1996
Foreword
Acknowledgements
Introduction
The Australian Context
Background to Public Service Reforms
The Coombs Commission
Administrative Law Reforms
The Creation of the Department of Finance
The Reid Review
Labor Party Initiatives
Over a Decade of Management Reform
The Human Resource Dimension
1983 White Paper: Reforming the Australian Public Service
Public Service Reform Act
Industrial Relations Reforms
Other Human Resource Management Developments
Budgetary, Financial Management and Related Reforms
1984 White Paper: Budget Reform
Forward Estimates
Portfolio Budgeting
The Running Costs System
Resource Agreements
Better Budget Presentation and Performance Reporting
Financial Management Improvement Program
Program Management and Budgeting
Program Evaluation
Corporate Planning
Streamlining
Commercialization
User Charging
Accrual Accounting
Program and Policy Reviews
Proposal for a New Legislative Framework for Financial Management and Accountability
Structural Reforms
Restructuring of the Cabinet/Departmental System
The Abolition of the Public Service Board
The Management Advisory Board
Government Business Enterprises and Statutory Authorities
Evaluating the Reforms
Task Force on Management Improvement
Responding to the Evaluation
Conclusion
Bibliography
Footnotes
Foreword
Public administration in Canada and a great many other countries is undergoing rapid and fundamental change as governments re-examine structures and processes and re-think roles and responsibilities. Canadians, and others facing similar challenges, can learn from sharing reform ideas and experiences. It is with this in mind that I commissioned this study about reform in the Australian public service.In 1993, my Office reported to Parliament on a study of public service reform in Canada and several other jurisdictions, including Australia. This related work amplifies on reforms in Australia undertaken over the period from 1983 to 1996. In publishing this study, I hope that it will become a useful resource document for government officials and others with responsibilities related to public management.
The authors of this publication are John W. Holmes, the Principal who was responsible for the 1993 study mentioned above, and Thomas A. Wileman, a senior researcher in my Office. The study reflects their understanding of, and perspective on, the Australian reform program.
I personally would like to take this opportunity to thank all those who shared in the development of this publication. Many individuals in Australia set aside time to contribute to our 1993 study. Their views have shaped, and in some measure are cited, in this present study. Particular thanks are due to those who reviewed drafts of this paper. They have contributed a depth of knowledge and understanding of the Australian reform program without which this publication would not have been possible.
L. Denis Desautels, FCA
Auditor General of Canada
Acknowledgements
The authors of this paper on reform in the Australian public service wish to express their appreciation to the many individuals who assisted with this work, including those whom we interviewed and those in Australia with whom we corresponded.Five individuals, without whose contributions this paper would not have been possible, need to be singled out for special mention. They are:
Dr. John Baker, Principal of John Baker and Associates, and former First Assistant Commissioner, Public Service Commission, Canberra, for his assistance with our early research and, in particular, for his co-ordination of our work in Australia in 1993. It was largely through his efforts on our behalf that we were able to hear first-hand from so many top officials and others with pertinent insights.
Denis Ives, Principal of Denis Ives and Associates, and former Public Service Commissioner, Canberra, for his support of our work, his readiness to share his insights - in particular in relation to human resource management in the Australian public service - and his very helpful comments on drafts of this paper.
Michael Codd, former Secretary, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet and Secretary to the Cabinet, Commonwealth of Australia, who assisted in so many ways, but whose most notable contributions arose from his intimate knowledge of the reforms and the context in which they evolved and his considerable efforts to share that knowledge with us. His thorough and insightful reviews of drafts of this paper contributed immensely to our understanding, and to the quality of the final product.
Dr. Malcolm Holmes, currently Senior Public Sector Management Specialist, The World Bank, Washington, D.C., and formerly Principal Advisor, Department of Finance, Canberra, who was one of our advisors from the early planning stage of our 1993 study of reforms in four countries ("Canada's Public Service Reform, and Lessons Learned from Selected Jurisdictions", Chapter 6 of the 1993 Report of the Auditor General of Canada) through completion of the present study. He provided a wealth of information and valuable insights based in large measure on his first-hand knowledge of the Australian reforms, in particular the budgetary and financial management reforms. We are particularly grateful to Malcolm for the willingness with which he undertook to review and provide detailed comments on a number of drafts of this paper. We are much indebted to him for the quality of his advice and the generosity of his support.
Finally, we are greatly indebted to Professor Peter Aucoin of the Political Science Department, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia. As one of our advisors on public service reform, beginning in 1993, his contribution was invaluable. His considerable knowledge of public management in Canada, Australia and other jurisdictions greatly influenced our work. Of equal importance was his ongoing support of our efforts. We greatly appreciate his advice and assistance in developing this paper, and his tireless efforts in that regard. Of special significance to us is the very timely and generous manner in which he contributed.
As is usual in such circumstances, any errors remaining in the text are the sole responsibility of the authors.
Introduction
This paper examines federal public service reform in Australia during a period of more than a decade beginning in 1983. It is one in a series of studies that we have carried out of reforms in Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia. That body of work, which includes Chapter 6 of the 1993 Report of the Auditor General of Canada ("Canada's Public Service Reform, and Lessons Learned from Selected Jurisdictions"), was undertaken in relation to a commitment by the Auditor General to monitor and report on the progress of the Canadian government's efforts at public service renewal. Our studies of foreign jurisdictions, in particular, have been undertaken in order to put Canadian federal public service renewal - now subsumed under a more pervasive "government renewal" exercise - into the broader context of reforms under way internationally, given that much can be learned from the ideas and experiences of others who face similar challenges.This paper is intended as a resource document for government officials, Office staff and others with responsibilities related to public service reform. The information presented and the analysis are not based on an audit - the subject is far too broad in scope to be subject to such treatment. What follows is based on a review of available literature, including official documents, and on numerous discussions of the reforms, including a series of interviews relative to the above-mentioned Chapter 6. These interviews were primarily conducted in Australia in the spring of 1993 with senior officials and other knowledgeable individuals. As they were carried out on a not-for-attribution basis, where quotations are presented the persons involved are not identified.
The paper draws heavily on work carried out in 1993. However, we have sought to make it as comprehensive and current as possible by reflecting in the text more recent significant developments that have come to our attention. One focus of reforms affecting the Australian public service, particularly since 1990 - namely those reforms directed at the functioning of the federal system and encompassing intergovernmental relations - was considered beyond the scope of this study. With the foregoing provisos, this paper presents an outline of the public service reform program of the successive Labor governments that held office in Australia from 1983 to early 1996. A Liberal-National Party coalition government was elected in March 1996. Footnotes highlight some of the significant changes introduced or proposed by this new government. Substantial efforts have been made to ensure accuracy and thoroughness, including review of the paper by a number of former Australian senior officials.
The Australian Context
Population. With approximately 17.7 million inhabitants in 1993 (projected to increase to 19.5 million by the year 2000), Australia, like Canada, has a population that is small in proportion to its vast land mass. It is one of the world's most urbanized countries, with 70 percent of the population living in the 10 largest cities. The states of New South Wales and Victoria are the most populous and include, respectively, Sydney and Melbourne, the two largest cities (each with over 3 million inhabitants).The population is mostly of European origin. It is concentrated in state capitals and a few large cities on the eastern seaboard, and elsewhere thinly spread throughout the continent. Aboriginal Australians were present at least 50,000 years ago. Although the first European presence was the Dutch, the British were the first to claim and settle the country in the late 18th century, initially as a penal colony. During the 19th century, several colonies developed with separate political institutions. These colonies became states of the federation in 1901.
Economy. Australia ranks about 19th in the world in the value of its international trade. More than 60 percent of its merchandise exports go to Asia. Eight of its 12 largest markets are in East Asia, which accounts for 39 percent of its exports. Japan alone accounts for 25 percent of Australia's merchandise exports, and supplies 19 percent of imports. Exports to ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries exceed those to either the European Community or the Americas, and the Asia region is the fastest-growing source of Australia's imports.
In the post-war period until the mid-1970s, Australia experienced an economic boom. Following the great sacrifices of the two World Wars, the country enjoyed prosperity and one of the highest living standards of any developed nation. Australians thought of themselves as the "lucky country".
From the mid-1970s, the public sector relied increasingly on deficit spending. By the early 1980s, Australia's economic structure was less able to withstand the pressure from a more competitive global economy, which was reflected in weaker prices for Australia's traditional commodities, poorer performance by its traditional industries, and a deterioration in its trade performance. In particular, there was a significant decline in commodity prices in 1985-86.
The need to restructure the economy and to correct fiscal imbalance has played a role in the public service reforms under way since the early 1980s. There has been pressure to increase efficiency and reduce government expenditures. By 1983-84 the federal government deficit amounted to 4.27 percent of the size of the economy (i.e. gross domestic product - GDP), and efforts to reduce spending intensified. The magnitude of the deficit was reduced each year through 1986-87. Four years of surpluses followed, from 1987-88 to 1990-91, peaking with a sizeable surplus in 1989-90 ($A 8 billion 1 - 2.25 percent of GDP). Beginning in 1991-92, the impact of the worldwide recession and other factors again led to a series of deficits (see Appendix A ).
Federal system. The Commonwealth of Australia is a federal political system with six states - New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, South Australia, Western Australia and Tasmania, and two territories - the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory.
In contrast to Canada, the Australian federal division of powers grants the residual powers not allocated in the Constitution to the states. The Second World War, however, fundamentally altered the relationship between the federal and state governments. The wartime assumption by the federal government of control over all income taxes deprived the states of fiscal independence, and they have since become dependent on annual, conditional transfer payments from the federal level. These financial arrangements have meant that "the Australian federal system is much more centralized than the Canadian system [with] extensive Commonwealth involvement in the delivery of [health care, education and other] programs" (P. Aucoin, H. Bakvis 1993: p. 411). In addition, in a number of areas of divided jurisdiction between the federal and state governments, such as communications, technological changes since 1901 have broadened the scope of activity and in most such areas the federal government has emerged as dominant.
Parliamentary system. In addition to its federal system, Australia shares with Canada a system of parliamentary government in the Westminster tradition. The Australian Constitution provides for a bicameral Parliament composed of a Senate and a House of Representatives. Unlike Canada, the Senate, as well as the House of Representatives, is an elected body (although elections for the House and Senate need not coincide 2 ). As in Canada, however, the government, led by the Prime Minister, must have the confidence of the House of Representatives, and governments are formed and maintained on the basis of party standings in the House. The Australian practice of party government has departed from the Canadian experience when there has been a Labor Party government, in that the party's parliamentary caucus has elected the ministry, from whom the Prime Minister has then selected Cabinet members and assigned them portfolio responsibilities. 3 Parliamentary committees, like their Canadian counterparts, exercise an oversight role. 4
The House of Representatives currently has 148 members, elected from single-member constituencies based on population, as in Canada, but elected on the basis of a system of preferential voting. Electors are required to rank candidates by order of preference, and a candidate must obtain an absolute majority of preferential votes before being elected. The House of Representatives sits for a maximum of three years. As in Canada, the House holds the purse strings of the federal government; it is the sole chamber with authority to originate revenue-raising and spending measures.
The Senate is composed of equal numbers of senators from each state (currently 12), plus two from each territory, for a current total of 76 senators. Except for the four senators who represent the territories (and who are elected for up to three years), each senator serves a six-year term. Half of the Senate is elected every three years (except in the case of a simultaneous dissolution of both houses of Parliament, causing the whole Senate to be elected). Election to the Senate is based on proportional representation and, as a consequence, it is unusual for the government party to hold a majority of Senate seats.
With an electoral base of its own, the Senate is a powerful body. Like the House, it must pass all legislative proposals before they can become law. Although it cannot originate money bills, it has refused to pass supply (appropriations) on more than one occasion. Moreover, senators are traditionally represented in the Cabinet, and the Leader and Deputy Leader of the Government in the Senate, in particular, generally hold positions of considerable authority in the government.
Political parties. The major political parties are the Australian Labor Party, considered ideologically centre-left, the Liberal Party and the National Party, both centre-right. When in power the Liberal and National parties normally form a coalition government. A number of smaller parties, including the Australian Democrats and the Greens, were also represented in the Senate following the 1993 and 1996 elections. Representation of these smaller parties is generally confined to the Senate (given the system of proportional representation), where they may hold the balance of power.
Between 1949 and 1983, the Liberals and the National Party were the dominant governing parties; their period in office was interrupted only by the 1972-75 Labor governments of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam. Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser's Liberal-National coalition government followed Whitlam's, remaining in power until 1983. The Labor Party was victorious in the 1983 election and went on to win the next four elections. Robert Hawke was Prime Minister from 1983 to 1991. He was succeeded by Paul Keating, formerly the Treasurer (the equivalent to the Minister of Finance in Canada), whose governments held office until March 1996. Prime Minister Keating's government was replaced by a Liberal-National Party coalition government headed by Prime Minister John Howard, leader of the Liberal Party.
Public service. The Australian public service (APS) operates within a constitutional and legislative framework, including important conventions inherited from the United Kingdom. The Constitution, as one authority put it, "is remarkably brief when it comes to the structure of the executive government." 5 Of particular note is section 67 of the Constitution, which empowers the Governor General in Council to appoint and remove officers of the Executive Government of the Commonwealth, subject to Parliament providing otherwise. Pursuant to section 67, legislation has been passed dealing with employment of public servants. The major piece of legislation is the Public Service Act (1922) , as amended, which covers basic terms and conditions of employment, organization and a variety of related matters, all essential to the conduct of public administration. It was by amendments to this Act that some of the important reforms discussed in this paper were authorized. In 1994, a fundamental review of this Act was undertaken, but proposed changes were not dealt with prior to the 1996 election.
Among other laws that form part of the governing framework is the Merit Protection (Australian Government Employees) Act (1984), which established the Merit Protection and Review Agency. The Agency was assigned responsibility for convening appeal and review committees for promotions, discipline, redeployment and related management decisions affecting employees; for investigating grievances and, where appropriate, recommending corrective measures. It was created to separate adjudicative functions from personnel management. In mid-1995, in a decision tied to the review of the Public Service Act , the Agency and the Public Service Commission were amalgamated, forming the Public Service and Merit Protection Commission, although the separate legislation was retained.
Australia has a national system of wage fixing: an arbitral tribunal with extensive powers sets wage levels and other conditions of employment, and arbitrates and resolves disputes between employers and employees, both at the national and industry level. This tribunal, the Industrial Relations Commission, was established by the Industrial Relations Act (1988), amending legislation dating from 1904. The Australian public service was placed under the jurisdiction of the Commission's predecessor in 1983.
Since 1987 there have been 16 to 18 portfolio departments, each represented in Cabinet by a minister (until after the 1996 election), plus numerous other entities, including some statutory authorities, with staff employed under the Public Service Act (Australians tend to refer to both "departments" and other public service entities as "agencies"; thus this report often uses these terms interchangeably). Other statutory authorities and all government business enterprises (GBEs) are outside the public service and do not fall under the jurisdiction of the Public Service Act . GBEs have undergone major reforms since 1987, and several functions have been transferred to them from the public service.
In June 1995 there were 137,150 paid staff employed in the Australian public service, 121,003 being permanent employees. More than 200,000 staff were employed in the balance of the federal public sector. The Australian public service constitutes 8.7 percent of employed wage and salary earners in the Australian public sector, and 2.3 percent of employed wage and salary earners in the country as a whole (Department of Finance 1994-95: p. 11).
Over the 1986-95 period, the total staff complement was reduced by about 19 percent, from a peak of about 181,000 in 1986 to approximately 146,000 (including 9,000 unpaid staff) in 1995. This decline came about through changes in coverage of the Public Service Act , and some downsizing. The changes in coverage moved significant numbers of public servants from the public service to GBEs and other public sector bodies. 6 The steepest year-to-year drop in staff since 1986 (over 14,000 from 1994 to 1995) was largely due to the movement of almost 9,000 staff to state and territorial governments. 7 See Appendix B for further details on public service staff by agency and portfolio.
The central agencies of the Australian government include the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, the Treasury, the Department of Finance, the Department of Industrial Relations, and the Public Service and Merit Protection Commission (until 1995, the Public Service Commission, and previously the Public Service Board).
The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, as the co-ordinating agency for the Cabinet, is a focal point for policy advice at the highest level.
The Treasury department parallels Canada's Department of Finance: it is responsible for fiscal and monetary policy, for taxation policy and for broad questions of the management of the economy. It administers the two largest spending programs of the government - revenue grants to the states and public debt interest payments.
The Department of Finance has some of the responsibilities of Canada's Treasury Board and its Secretariat: it oversees the allocation and management of resources within government and has policy responsibility for service-wide financial management practices; as well, it has overall responsibility for funding public service salaries and policy advice on standards used in job classification.
The Department of Industrial Relations is responsible for the development of national industrial relations policy, including government wages policy, as well as for Australian public service remuneration and conditions of employment. It is recognized by the Industrial Relations Commission as the employer for the public service. In this capacity, the Department bargains with public service unions 8 on behalf of the government, although since 1992, under workplace (second tier) bargaining, individual departments and agencies may also negotiate directly with the unions. Department-level bargaining, covers productivity-linked pay increases, improvements in working conditions, job classification redesign and related matters.
The Public Service and Merit Protection Commission (PSMPC) is headed by a single full-time Commissioner (hereinafter referred to as the Public Service Commissioner) who is an independent statutory officer with responsibility for policy advice on human resource management. Advice is provided to the government and by setting down employment and staffing policies for application throughout the public service. The PSMPC is also responsible for guarding the process for appointment to senior executive positions, and for designing and stimulating training and staff development activity, especially for executive staff throughout the public service.
In addition, a statutory Management Advisory Board (MAB), established in 1987, advises the government on significant management issues and is a forum for the consideration of major management activities affecting the public service. It is chaired by the Secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, and its other ex officio members are the Public Service Commissioner and the secretaries (deputy heads) of Finance and Industrial Relations. Three other secretary-level officials serve, as do one union and one private sector representative (for a total of nine members as of October 1994).
The Australian National Audit Office (ANAO) conducts audits of federal departments and other Commonwealth entities. The roles and responsibilities of the Auditor-General, and therefore the ANAO, are set out in the Audit Act (1901) and other enabling legislation. The Audit Act (1901) also provides the basic financial management and control framework for the federal public sector. Appointed by the Governor General in Council, the Auditor-General is independently responsible for reporting to Parliament on the results of financial statement and performance audits and related activities.
Background to Public Service Reforms
As in other Western political systems, the Australian public service experienced significant growth during the Second World War. Over the period 1936 to 1953 the public service tripled in size, in part because its functions were extended to a wide range of services not previously expected of government, such as the maintenance of economic welfare, and in part because the federal government assumed a greater role in relation to the states.While some changes in public administration occurred in the 1950s and 1960s, and were even described as "revolutionary" (e.g. more flexible recruitment, recognition of the need for better-qualified managers and more and better training), an increasing number of deficiencies began to be experienced, including concerns related to administrative inefficiency (R. Parker, in A. Kouzmin et al. 1990: p. 58-59). By the 1970s, however, there was another and more pressing concern, namely the view that political leaders had serious problems "in getting the senior level of the bureaucracy to do its bidding" (P. Troy, in C. Hazlehurst et al. 1977: p. 93).
The Coombs Commission
These concerns led, in 1974, to the establishment of a broad-ranging inquiry, the Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration (or, for its Chairman, the Coombs Commission). The Coombs Commission came into being about the same time as several important state commissions of inquiry that carried out similarly broad inquiries into public administration, and, to some extent, there was cross-fertilization of ideas and reforms between state and federal levels.The scope of the Coombs Commission included the purposes, functions, organization and management of Australian government departments and statutory authorities. The Commission produced an extensive report in 1976, and identified the following major concerns:
- the need to acknowledge the responsibilities of officials, in light of the unrealistic assumption behind ministerial responsibility (i.e. that the minister was personally responsible for all departmental activities), and to establish effective means of accountability;
- the need to respond to the increasing demands of the community to participate in government decision making;
- the need to strengthen the managerial role of officials in recognition of the expanding role of government as a provider of services;
- the need to improve the efficiency of access to and delivery of services, including greater sensitivity and responsiveness;
- the need to reduce excessive centralization and hierarchy, and to devolve and decentralize responsibility to the point of contact with the citizen;
- the need for more efficient and economical use of manpower; and
- the need to modify the concept of "career service", and its associated elitism, in order to provide for better representation of the community, greater mobility, increased training, and performance appraisal.
The initial response to the Coombs Commission has been termed "a textbook case of the non-implementation of administrative reform" (P. Wilenski 1986: p. 267). The Commission had been established by the Whitlam (Labor) government, but it reported to the Fraser (Liberal-National) government. The latter "was less sympathetic to administrative reform...[and the] political will [to implement reforms] was largely non-existent" (P. Wilenski 1986: p. 267). As a consequence, only a few of Coombs' recommendations were acted upon in a timely manner; for example, the Auditor-General was empowered to undertake efficiency audits. 9 Viewed in hindsight, however, the Coombs Commission made a major contribution in diagnosing administrative weaknesses and laying the intellectual groundwork for many of the reforms introduced in the next two decades.
Administrative Law Reforms
Major changes were made to Australian public administration in the 1970s by way of an extensive set of reforms in the area of administrative law. Although Australia had "little history of review of administrative decisions by judicial and quasi-judicial agencies" (P. Wilenski 1986: p. 268), in a relatively short space of time a number of new institutions were established and judicial procedures fundamentally transformed.The main elements of the new administrative law regime included:
- a general Administrative Appeals Tribunal, with jurisdiction over a wide range of statutory instruments and offering a range of procedures, from adversarial hearings to conference-style settlements to mediation;
- codification and rationalization of the principles, procedures and remedies for judicial review in the Administrative Decisions (Judicial Review) Act 1977;
- an Ombudsman, to investigate and attempt to resolve complaints of maladministration; and
- an advisory body, the Administrative Review Council, to monitor the operation of the new arrangements (C. Saunders 1991: p. 10-16; 1993: p. 1-5).
The cumulative effects of these reforms were significant. As one authority expressed it:
A new body of administrative law relating to administrative appeals and freedom of information was enacted which fundamentally affected the Westminster system of ministerial responsibility and brought judicial power into administration in order to redress the balance of bureaucratic power (P. Wilenski 1986: p. 268).Another argued:
The administrative law reforms...have been effective, not only in extending access to individual justice, which was expected, but also in improving the quality and responsiveness of administration and the openness and accountability of government (C. Saunders 1993: p. 16).A noted Canadian scholar, in comparing Australia with Canada, the United Kingdom and New Zealand, concluded that the "new administrative law movement has probably gone furthest in Australia" (D. Rowat 1988: p. 453).
A senior official expressed the impact in the following terms:
The initial attitude [inside the public service] to all of [the administrative review] machinery was that it would double the workload and take up enormous amounts of time, just dealing with the newly created institutions. [But] the attitude slowly started to change as people began to realize that this [machinery] was here to stay. You had to learn how to work with it. If you are working in a social security department, or an immigration area, you recognize that the reasons for a decision could be subject to review - that it could happen to you. First of all, you learn that those reasons are important, they are important to the client; it helps you to focus on the client and communicate [better]. [It also helps] in terms of fairness, equity and so on. But secondly, it forces you to think through, very clearly, any decision you are going to make. It forces the government to have a set of guidelines, consistently applied. So there is an extraordinarily healthy effect on the quality of people's work within the system (1993 interviews).
The Creation of the Department of Finance
Well into the 1970s, the Australian government budget process was described as:
...[a] year to year haggle...[an] incremental process each year [involving] a great deal of detail at the level of departmental officials for some months, and then at the ministerial level, [controlled by] a powerful central agency, the Treasury, [that] would comb through the budget to see what they could trim off (1993 interviews).Although some top officials were very much in favour of moving away from the detailed, laborious annual scrutiny of departmental expenditures, others, notably in the Treasury, resisted change.
In 1976, the Fraser government moved the responsibilities for resource allocation and financial management from the Treasury Department into a new Department of Finance. The creation of the Department of Finance was intended to weaken Treasury's previously very strong central role (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 39, 47-48).
The impact of the separation of Finance from Treasury was expressed by officials in the following terms:
The dominance of the Treasury over the policy advising process caused enormous tensions... Treasury was resented for the amount of power it exercised...Probably one of the most crucial factors [leading to public service reforms] was in the Fraser period, when the Treasury was split in two (1993 interviews).
The power of the Treasury was broken down [in Australian government] a lot earlier [than in other countries, notably the United Kingdom] and progressively [Australians] have built up a much greater autonomy and much greater skill base in the other departments...To get more devolution of authority and more responsibility down near where the programs are actually being delivered, [there is a need to] get rid of central controls [and] give the people who are actually delivering services the proper authorities... All of that can happen much more effectively if there is the skill base in the operating departments [as opposed] to a system dominated from the centre by a powerful Treasury (1993 interviews).
The Reid Review
In the face of perceived administrative shortcomings, Prime Minister Fraser initiated a Review of Commonwealth Administration (known for its Chairman as the Reid review). In summary, in its early 1983 report, completed only weeks ahead of an election, this review recommended:
... changes designed to increase public sector efficiency, devolve responsibility, make public servants more accountable for their actions, free up recruitment procedures for senior managers and increase ministerial control over departments (P. Weller, in G. Davis et al. 1989: p. 5).
Labor Party Initiatives
In opposition, the Labor party undertook its own study of public management reform in preparation for the 1983 election. Its report, "Labor and Quality of Government", was a plank in the party's election platform. The report indicated that it would be a "major task" for the incoming government to "restore confidence in the quality of public administration both at the ministerial and public service level" (p. 5). It set out proposals in the areas of Cabinet organization, Cabinet-Caucus relations, the internal organization of the public service, the organization and accountability of public authorities, and other matters. Later, on taking office, the government refined and implemented many of these proposals.While in opposition the party also reached an agreement, the "Accord on Economic and Social Policy", with the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU). This second initiative was in reaction to the Fraser government's legislatively based constraints on union activity, which by 1983 had strained relations between the federal government and the national union movement, including the public sector unions. That year's election call was linked by the government to the "unwillingness of some unions to abide by [its] wage [restraint policies]" (R. Lansbury 1984: p. 2).
Labor's Accord with the ACTU, which formed part of its election platform, was aimed at wage and price stability in the face of high unemployment and high inflation; it sought to reduce the number of industrial disputes, and provided for greater consultation between the unions and the government. Between 1983 and the 1996 federal election, the Accord was renewed on a two-year basis, representing, in the words of one public service union official, "a very powerful alliance between the ACTU and the Federal Government" (1993 interviews). 10
Over a Decade of Management Reform
More than a decade of public management reform was ushered in by the election of a Labor government in 1983. Here, we outline in three parts the major features of these reforms. They are reforms aimed at enhancing the responsiveness, performance and productivity of senior officials and staff - the human resource dimension; budgetary, financial management and related reforms; and structural (machinery of government) reforms.
The Human Resource Dimension
We begin with the human resource dimension of reforms because the Labor party came to power with a clear agenda aimed, in the first instance, at making changes that would enhance the responsiveness of senior public servants and place ministers firmly in charge of the federal public sector. This was the starting point of Labor's reform program.
1983 White Paper: Reforming the Australian Public Service
In December 1983, early in its first term, the newly elected Hawke Labor government issued a White Paper entitled "Reforming the Australian Public Service". This White Paper was integrally linked to the Party's study, "Labor and Quality of Government", but also drew on the findings of the Coombs Commission, the Reid review, and a Joint Committee of Public Accounts report that had recommended "a new, more open, more mobile and better trained executive group" (P. Wilenski 1986: p. 269-270).The impetus toward reform was not only political. There were officials in various departments, including the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet,
... who were recognizing the problems of our system as it was then operating and who were taking every chance to try [to] advance a reform agenda whenever they had a political leadership that was interested (1993 interviews).The 1983 White Paper focussed on practices related to the appointment, removal, and other terms and conditions of employment of departmental secretaries, and similar practices pertaining to other public service executives. It dealt in a limited way with aspects of the system of government priority setting and resource allocation, and with personnel policies related to merit, grievance and appeal procedures. It also advocated industrial democracy. This policy, derived from the Labor government's Accord with the unions, required departments to develop procedures for consultation with employees and their unions, and for the participation of employees in decision making.
As expressed in the White Paper, the Labor government's objectives were to develop a public service that:
- was more responsive and accountable to ministers and Parliament;
- was more efficient and effective;
- gave all citizens an opportunity to compete on merit to join and advance within it, and provided greater opportunity for disadvantaged groups; and
- had a more streamlined and independent system for protecting the rights of staff.
Public Service Reform Act
In June 1984, many of the measures outlined in its White Paper were legislated through the Public Service Reform Act . They have been termed "the most wide-ranging reforms of the Australian public service since its creation at the time of federation" (P. Wilenski 1986: p. 271-273). The same source outlined their principal elements (the first three of which, because of their significance in terms of the government's objective of gaining firm control of, and enhanced responsiveness from, the bureaucracy, are discussed in the text that follows). These elements may be summarized as follows:
- the adoption of legislative and administrative arrangements, such as the political appointment of ministerial advisors, to reinforce the control of ministers over departmental administration;
- more flexible procedures for the appointment and removal of departmental secretaries and clarification of their relationship with ministers;
- establishment of a Senior Executive Service, with appointments through competitions open to the public as well as public servants, and public advertisement of vacancies;
- amendments to the "objects", or purposes, set out in the Public Service Act , to include responsibility for equitable as well as efficient administration;
- a statutory requirement that departments develop, maintain and implement equal employment opportunity programs;
- statutory requirements for industrial democracy - the development and implementation of action plans in each department and agency regarding organization of work, financial and human resource planning, occupational safety and health, and introduction of new technology;
- measures to strengthen the merit principle, including establishment of the Merit Protection and Review Agency to handle grievances and appeals formerly heard by the Public Service Board;
- introduction of permanent part-time employment, with benefits; and
- upgrading of management improvement activities.
Departmental secretaries. In 1977, the Fraser coalition government had taken steps to address what it perceived as the previous Labor government's "excessively political" appointments of several departmental secretaries (M. Codd 1990: p. 79). Few legislative provisions governed these appointments; indeterminate appointments were made by the Governor in Council on the advice of the Chairman of the Public Service Board. The Fraser government established new procedures via amendments to the Public Service Act . These included a selection committee, convened by the Chairman of the Public Service Board and comprised of senior officials, to recommend a list of candidates to the Cabinet and the minister involved. A person not on this list could be chosen but any such appointment had to be on a contractual basis, for a period not to exceed five years.
The substance of the changes made in 1984 through the Public Service Reform Act was to make it easier to bring in people from outside the public service, and to allow for the removal of secretaries "at any time (with) no reasons required to be given" (M. Codd 1990: p. 83). This power to remove secretaries has been frequently used as a means of reassignment. 12 Specifically, in a return to the procedure followed before 1977, the provision requiring a committee of top officials to prepare a list of candidates was deleted. Advice on appointments was to be given by the Chairman of the Public Service Board (after the Board's abolition in 1987, this role was assumed by the Secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet).
The changes in appointment and removal of secretaries reinforced concerns about politicization of the top echelons of the public service. In 1988, Prime Minister Hawke presented the following view:
Some critics of the changes made to appointments and tenure provisions for departmental secretaries argued that they would lead to politicization. Four years later, no one could reasonably claim that the portfolio secretaries serving my government are other than highly professional career public servants who have also served previous governments in senior positions. The public service remains, at all levels, a highly professional institution (R.J. Hawke 1988, cited in M. Codd 1990: p. 86-87).A contrasting view, which clearly illustrates the reason why political leaders were concerned about the relationship between secretaries and ministers, emerged from one of our interviews with senior officials:
In 1984, the Public Service Act was amended to reflect the view that, except where specific powers were invested in a secretary by statute, the secretary [would be responsible for the] general workings of the department, subject to the minister's powers under the Constitution to administer such departments. Now, what does that mean? I believe that is one of the most insidious and dreadful aspects of the reform process. I think one of the things that we are lacking now [among secretaries] is a very strong view of themselves as something separate from the political process - a cadre or elite group who take a longer-term perspective. [Before this amendment] we still at least kidded ourselves that we were thinking against the longer term and not that concerned about whether or not somebody would be re-elected in three years. [Secretaries] are no longer as independent. [They] cannot be because the departmental secretary can be regressed to deputy secretary, in my understanding, with the flick of a finger. [There is a] lack of some of the checks and balances [such as] an independent Public Service Board - holding back ministers who want to decapitate permanent heads (1993 interviews).More recently, a 1994 amendment was made to the Public Service Act providing that all future appointments of departmental secretaries would be for fixed terms of up to five years. Current secretaries were given the option, in return for increased remuneration, of accepting such fixed-term appointments. 13
Senior Executive Service. The Senior Executive Service (SES), which replaced the public service Second Division, 14 had been recommended by several studies, including the Coombs and Reid reports, and a parliamentary committee report. 15 It followed the establishment of similar executive groups elsewhere, including Canada, the U.S. and several Australian states. In recognition of the fact that, although the Second Division had existed since the 1960s, there had been a lack of staff mobility and career planning for members, the SES was established to:
... develop a more unified and cohesive senior [staff] group...through a higher level of central direction in career development, through more and better training and through measures aimed at establishing service-wide as well as departmental identity (Senate Standing Committee on Finance and Public Administration 1990: p. 1).The management of the SES, which numbers a little more than one percent of the whole public service (1,739 in June 1995), was made the policy responsibility of the Public Service Board (now the Public Service and Merit Protection Commission) in respect of recruitment, staffing, training and transfers.
Appointment to and promotion within the SES must be approved by the Public Service Commissioner. The process involves a three-member selection panel, including one PSC representative. The selection panel makes a recommendation to the secretary of the department, who in turn makes a recommendation that is subject to approval by the Commissioner. The role of the Commissioner is to ensure that due process has been followed. The secretary of each department maintains "a close working relationship" with the Commission in relation to senior staffing (M. Codd 1990: p. 31). Appointments in the SES are to level rather than to position, and mobility is encouraged. The Commission has the authority to transfer SES staff after consultations with the department concerned.
As a senior official noted:
...an important issue of personnel policy [is the need for] a unified view across the service...Going back to the succession of reports, we have said we want to have a unified senior executive service...so, my guess is that the PSC will retain a very strong central role in the management of the senior executive service (1993 interviews).In 1991, the Labor government realigned the SES: the former structure of six classification levels was reduced to three and a specialist category was introduced. In making these changes, the government responded to the recommendations of a 1990 Senate committee report. The government agreed "that the original vision of the SES as a unified leadership group for the APS remains relevant" (cited in the TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 175). 16 Other measures affecting the SES gave departmental secretaries discretion to set salaries at any point within the three salary bands, and based promotions (or demotions) on a new performance assessment system (introduced in 1989-90); performance pay was introduced in 1992-93 both for the SES and the classification level below it (the Senior Officer group). 17
Industrial Relations Reforms
A national wage-setting scheme. Australia's national system of regulating industrial relations has no parallel in Canada. The Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) makes legally enforceable "awards", which usually determine the minimum wage that must be paid to employees covered by the award; they may also set out a range of other conditions of employment. Awards generally cover most employers, including since 1984 the federal government, and are industry- or occupation-based. Wage increases may be determined at three levels: national; industrial; and for payments in excess of an award already in force ("over-award" payments).The AIRC (like its predecessor agencies: the Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Commission and, earlier, the Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Court) develops "wage principles" or guidelines that reflect the interests of the community at various times and in various economic circumstances. As one authority noted, "To serve its charter, the Commission has to tailor its principles and to apply them in a way that minimizes adverse economic, industrial, and social consequences" (J. Isaac 1989: p. 408). Since 1907, awards have set a basic (or minimum) national wage.
Changing wages policies of the 1980s. The degree of centralization of the system has varied depending on the circumstances. In the 1960s and 1970s a decentralized approach was adopted, with industry-level awards based on "quasi-collective bargaining" between the unions and employers; the Commission ratified industry-level agreements between the parties. This approach proved to be highly inflationary. In the recession of the early 1980s, the Fraser coalition government sought a wage freeze and the Commission complied. This "wage pause" was followed by the 1983 election of a Labor government, committed to a national prices and incomes policy through the Accord it had struck with the national union movement. In the face of almost universal support for a more centralized system, the Commission agreed to an indexation package and "minimization of labour cost increases outside [the] national wage" (National Wage Case 1983, cited in J. Isaac 1989: p. 421).
The government next changed its wages policy following the deterioration of Australia's trading position in 1986. Renewed inflation led to the abandonment of wage indexation tied explicitly to the consumer price index, and to the adoption of a new two-tier system based on cost-of-living adjustments (the first tier) and efficiency or productivity gains (the second tier). The Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Commission formally sanctioned the two-tier wages policy in its National Wage Case decision of March 1987. Under the Commission's restructuring and efficiency principle, the second tier allowed efficiency offsets to be negotiated between unions and management (or arbitrated, where agreement was lacking). These efficiency offsets involved incremental pay, flexibility in labour use, working time arrangements, and related matters.
In the public service, while there were productivity and consultation benefits (as reflected in the following comments by a union official), the focus tended to be on short-term, cost-cutting measures (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 121).
The intention of the [second-tier agreement] was to abolish [job classification] barriers, artificial barriers as we increasingly saw them, and to recognize the effect of technological change that was coming into the service. [The] whole concept of typing pools was abolished, [as was] the concept of personal secretaries who were "rug ranked" according to their bosses. People were to have much more holistic-type jobs, with control of the task or function and therefore a broader range of skills available - improving their capacity to have a career in the public service. That was a major change.
Unfortunately, because there was such a cutback in funds at the time, it became much more painful in many areas; there were some significant staff losses. It was further complicated by the fact that there was a major change to administrative organization in 1987-88 [involving the creation] of megadepartments, [which was] bloody and messy. [The machinery of government changes] made very difficult [the] processes of getting people within the public service to think differently about their jobs.
We did have an incredible consultative, participatory process to implement the second-tier agreement, which involved joint training and work groups of every person within the public service; [public servants] were able to sit down, without their manager or supervisor there, and talk about what their job was, and what they thought their job should be, and how they could change it (1993 interviews).One of a number of second-tier agreements in the Australian public service involved Office Structures Implementation (OSI), which introduced a simplified classification structure for office-based work. OSI affected a large majority of public servants, that is, approximately 110,000 people. It provided an eight-level structure for administrative classifications below the SES, integrating the work performed in over 100 formerly separate keyboard, clerical and administrative classifications. Among other benefits, this structure allowed staff to perform a wider variety of tasks within the same job.
The following is a senior official's overview of how OSI, linked with industrial democracy reforms, affected the Taxation Office:
The office structures implementation review [involved] getting people to sit down and almost design the processes, the jobs, around new structures so that for the first time people who handle, say, the returns processing, got together within this new structure and said this is the way we are going to do it. The lever from government was that there was a cost [reduction target] to achieve, and a wage raise associated with all these changes - a four percent pay raise. We worked with people to say how are we going to structure the work such that we can achieve the four per cent efficiency [increase] required to justify the pay raise. It was a change in culture within the organization, which really helped a lot of the other changes - moving from a very hierarchical, authoritarian organization to a more open, involved, participative organization. Because of the involvement of people it moved from being just an acknowledgement of the need to replace technology to being part of the total change program (1993 interviews).The same source amplified further, emphasizing the reliance the Taxation Office placed on retraining rather than laying off staff:
It started with that OSI process: we involved the unions and the staff in that participatory process as part of the APS reform agenda for industrial democracy. The whole modernization process is [framed in] an industrial agreement that has the force of law, ratified by the Industrial Relations Commission.
Another component of that agreement was a "no redundancy" provision. After that restructuring, we had about 8,500 people in the bottom two [job classification] levels, and those jobs were being automated. We were turning ourselves into a client service organization that needed more people at the middle level - which is your base line for client contact, for inquiries, etc. The bottom levels have always been traditional employment categories of people who come under the equal employment opportunity program. So the 8,500 people were predominantly women, people from non-English-speaking backgrounds, et cetera. And in accordance with the government's social policy requirements, we couldn't just sack [them] and start again. There was an onus on us to retrain and reskill those people and move them into the client service positions (1993 interviews).In 1988, the AIRC adopted the structural efficiency principle, which ushered in a "new phase" in the reform process. It expanded the restructuring and efficiency principle by allowing wage increases based on commitments to "fundamentally review [awards] to improve efficiency and increase productivity, and provide workers with access to more varied, fulfilling and better paid jobs" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 121).
The 1988 wages ruling has been described in the following terms:
The key element of the new system of wage fixation is the structural efficiency principle, (which) overhauls industrial awards to do away with outmoded provisions, and makes them more relevant to the needs of modern industry and workers...
The major priorities are the revision of job classification structures, multiskilling (extending people's skills so that they can do a wider range of related tasks), provision of new career paths, and major reforms to skill formation and training (J. Enfield 1990: p. 4).The Commission's 1989 national wage decision continued the reform process by "providing for pay increases on implementation of successful structural efficiency exercises". In the public service, it created a framework for wage increases based on a broad agreement between the Labor government and the unions to "eliminate institutional impediments to flexibility and develop a highly skilled and adaptable work force" through such means as:
- new entry-level arrangements for clerical staff;
- promotion to level;
- amendments to working patterns and arrangements;
- accelerated promotion arrangements;
- significant revision of classification structures aimed at rationalization and realignments, e.g. broadening the classification bands (levels);
- performance appraisal and performance-related pay for upper-level clerical/professional staff; and
- establishment of a Joint Training Council to advise on existing and future skills requirements and training(J. Enfield 1990: p. 4). 18
The agreement also stipulated that "[these] changes shall not affect the [statutory] framework for [a] career service." Similarly, service-wide pay and classification structures "will be maintained", but will allow for "adaptation of these structures to address particular [agency] requirements" (p. 4). Workplace bargaining was thus regarded as maintaining "the essential features...of an integrated, merit-based, career service conducive to staff mobility" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 157).
In 1994, the White Paper "Working Nation" set a target of 80 percent of employees under government jurisdiction (in both public and private sectors) to be subject to enterprise bargaining before the end of 1996; attaining that level would double the number of workers covered. To achieve this aim, the government made legislative changes and, in conjunction with the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC), began implementing a range of measures to increase the number, quality and coverage of agreements. The new legislation, the Industrial Relations Reform Act (1993) , took effect 30 March 1994. The Act is described as "a shift to an enterprise bargaining-based wage system underpinned by relevant [AIRC] awards" (MAB-MIAC 1994: p. 3). It is intended "to provide the framework to achieve [greater] labour market flexibility, productivity growth and wage restraint" (Working Nation 1994: p. 25). 19
Progress with workplace bargaining in the public service led by August 1994 to coverage of some 66,000 eligible employees, or about half the total, under 10 agency agreements certified by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission, including the Attorney-General's department, the Australian Taxation Office, and the Defence and Veterans' Affairs departments (MAB-MIAC 1994: p. 9).
The changes associated with workplace bargaining and future trends were outlined in an interview with a senior central agency official:
[The public service has to reflect] the national labour market system and the national bargaining system. The unfortunate thing in some respects is we've been a little bit ahead of the game in designing the frameworks we want in our national public service. But I think our era of central framework design is almost at an end. I know that sounds presumptuous, but [not] when you think about the things we've put in place now: financial flexibilities, personnel flexibilities, industrial bargaining flexibilities, the ability to design work in different ways. [Consider] the simplifications that we've undertaken, the paring down to the core - and some of that has yet to be done, particularly in the framework for personnel management.
What we're going to see over the next 10 years, in my view, is refining [personnel management in] the core public service to a set of principles - certain essential practices and requirements. It may be that we still need some centrally determined process on some aspects of merit staffing. [But, for example] with performance appraisal, provided people are working within a broad framework, adhering to certain principles, operating within certain [monetary] limits, the process will be determined at the agency level.
It will still be part of the broad unified system. Managers will be expected, in concert with their staff, to adapt and design things that are relevant to their own workplaces. The Japanese view of this is the culture of continuous improvement. Everybody agrees that staff have to have [a sense of] ownership [in the process]. Workplace bargaining is not about proliferating central negotiations into hundreds of [departmental/agency] adversarial negotiations on conditions and entitlements...[but about] paying for the adoption of [dynamic, more efficient] work processes [such as] quality improvement circles, work teams, and best practice concepts (1993 interviews).The collective agreement between the Labor government and the public service unions was renewed and certified by the AIRC in the fall of 1995 ("Continuous Improvement in the Australian Public Service Enterprise Agreement 1995-1996"). The new agreement, as outlined in a November 1995 report to the House of Representatives from the minister then responsible, committed the government to a range of initiatives including: "implementation of the new Public Service Act ; a significant rationalization of the awards covering the APS; further work to improve the cost-effectiveness of personnel services; and a charter of best practice" (G. Johns 1995: p. 5).
A critical view of the manner in which workplace bargaining was being carried on in the public service was set out in October 1995 in a parliamentary committee report: 20
Despite its name, workplace bargaining, for reasons related to the nature of the deal struck between the unions and the government, is not devoted to individual workplaces but is conducted at a macro level. In the Committee's view, this is out of step with moves to foster a devolved environment, in which responsibility for decision making and the administration of budgets is placed at the lowest practical level of management, resulting in improved client service (p. 54-55).Industrial democracy. The 1983 White Paper on reforming the public service presented the following views on industrial democracy:
A more participative approach to management will improve decision making by ensuring full opportunities for the staff who will be affected to make their views known and to have them properly considered. An administration more responsive to the needs of staff will enjoy improved morale and performance, while at the same time enriching the working lives of men and women who are part of the Government's workforce (p. 34).As earlier indicated, the Public Service Reform Act of 1984 imposed on departments and agencies a requirement to develop and implement an "industrial democracy plan" designed to achieve appropriate participation by employees in decision-making processes. In consultation with relevant unions, such plans were to be developed within 12 months, and to be subject to periodic review. The Public Service Board was initially charged with oversight of these legislated requirements; that responsibility was assumed by the Department of Industrial Relations when the Board was abolished in 1987.
A 1991 Report to the Prime Minister by the Department of Industrial Relations indicated that, while there were problems of implementation in smaller agencies,
... formal and informal consultation between APS management and staff is becoming an accepted part of sound working practice within the departments and agencies (p. iii).It stated that most departments had current industrial democracy plans, that consultative councils were well established in most departments, and that many agencies had recognized the links between education, training and improved consultation in the workplace and were devoting significant resources to industrial democracy training.
The TFMI Evaluation 1993, in its review of industrial democracy reforms, reflected uneven progress, again identifying special difficulties in small agencies; as well, it indicated that while the majority of agencies and staff were positive about these reforms, opinions among them varied on both progress and impacts. It also pointed out:
Unions have varied in their acceptance of participative management, seeking to reinforce a single channel of industrial democracy negotiation between management and the relevant union, rather than between staff and management with the involvement of the union as an additional stakeholder (p. 145).
Other Human Resource Management Developments
The early phases of reform were criticized for their lack of attention to human resource management issues. 21 However, in later years there were a number of initiatives undertaken, some of which have already been mentioned.Streamlining and devolution. One important dimension of human resource management reforms was the streamlining that began in late 1986. The Public Service Legislation (Streamlining) Act, 1986 "gave effect to a series of reforms ... including simplified and streamlined provisions relating to discipline, promotion, promotion appeals and higher duties [acting appointments]" (Public Service Commission 1992: p. 105). These changes included significant restrictions on, or the abolition of, appeal rights, and new arrangements for the redeployment and retirement of public servants. As well, there was:
... extensive restructuring of public service job classifications designed to remove obsolete distinctions, to reduce the overall number of personnel transactions, and ... to provide greater flexibility in the use of personnel (R.J. Hawke 1989: p. 16).A second important thrust was the devolution of authorities from the Public Service Board to and within departments. Further devolution took place with the abolition of the Board in 1987 (as later discussed). The significance of these changes was described in 1991 by the then Public Service Commissioner, as follows:
So, a system, which in 1982 vested almost all responsibility for these matters in a central agency of a few hundred staff, by 1987 had successfully passed that responsibility to line managers across the entire public service (D. Ives 1991: p. 5).In December 1992, the Joint Committee of Public Accounts reported on human resource management in the public service. 22 The purpose of the Committee's inquiry was to assess the impact of public service reforms in the 1980s and 1990s; in particular, the Committee turned its attention to:
... the abolition in 1987 of the Public Service Board as the central human resource management agency for the APS, the creation of the Public Service Commission as its successor and the decentralization of the Board's functions to a number of other co-ordinating agencies and line departments (p. xiii).The Committee found some confusion about the respective roles of the many agencies responsible for aspects of human resource management, and frustration among those seeking advice and direction. It recommended that the Public Service Commission be made the single central agency responsible for human resource management, and provide "central guidance and support" to departmental secretaries. The aim was to "restore a balance" between central control and devolution, without "significantly altering" the existing pattern of devolution, based on the finding that things had tilted too far in the departments' direction.
There were several other areas of recommendations, including:
- equal employment opportunity and management of underperforming officers 23 - where greater devolution was called for;
- training and development - where progress was commended but a concern expressed about the need for better evaluation of training; and
- the Senior Executive Service - where broader recruitment and improved training and development were sought and where reservations were expressed about performance pay, in terms of the difficulties in measuring an individual's performance and ensuring equity in salary comparisons (comparative wage justice).
Improving staff performance. A main focus of human resource management reforms during this later period was performance improvement, based on the recognition that in addition to systemic and structural change, getting the most out of people was crucial to improving public sector performance. As the former Public Service Commissioner put it, performance improvement arises from people - their skills, flexibility, effectiveness and extra, discretionary effort; and:
Human resource management is not just a matter of getting people to work harder...Rather, its focus is on enabling people to work more effectively...Strategic human resource management is a concept that effectively integrates human resource policies and practices with corporate objectives (D. Ives 1991: p.5).An example of the impact of this thinking is the Middle Management Development Initiative announced in 1989 and begun in July 1990. This program was undertaken as industrial relations reforms focussed on linking productivity and remuneration, and as unions began arguing for increased training. It was inspired by a belief that middle managers "were not adequately prepared for rapid changes in program delivery and design" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 194). The program allocated $A 30 million over three years to train the 42,000 middle managers (that is, below the SES level). The Public Service Commission was responsible for overseeing the program. The initiative focussed on those managers with substantial people management responsibilities, and thus to a significant extent on regional offices. Departments were required to establish plans for middle management development as a precondition for funding. An important element of the program was development of a management course to provide training in people management and other aspects of the changing responsibilities of managers.
Another significant training and development initiative was the previously mentioned establishment in 1990 of the Joint Australian Public Service Training Council. This council advised on existing and future skill requirements and training needs, and recommended service-wide training initiatives. For example, the Council identified core competencies required for effective performance at the lower administrative levels. About 70,000 people were employed at these levels.
There were also initiatives focussed on the development of members of the Senior Executive Service. These included: a subsidized mobility scheme through which a number of SES officers could broaden their experience by moving temporarily to another position in the public service or to other parts of the federal or state public sectors; and an external development scheme, whereby partial funding was provided for SES officers to undertake a program of study or experience outside the public service but within Australia.
It was recognized that strategic management of people and their performance required the development of a contemporary conceptual framework identifying the fundamental links between the various elements comprising human resource management. The Public Service Commission developed and publicized such a framework in July 1992 (updated in 1995). Without being prescriptive, it put forward its framework to assist managers and reiterate the importance of integrating human resource management into normal management decision making. The framework describes in some detail key sectors of human resource management, including human resource planning, staffing practices, working conditions, performance management, human resource development, and staff relations.
It was the Public Service Commission's position that it was essential to maintain a career service, involving unified standards, values and policies. It was seeking to ensure that agencies had a human resource management framework that was relevant to their needs and the needs of the career service. In order to achieve these aims, the Commission established monitoring mechanisms that it considered "not overly intrusive"; also, the Public Service Commissioner sought to influence developments through his roles as a member of key bodies such as the Management Advisory Board and the Joint Training Council (for the latter, the Commissioner being chairperson).
A perspective on these initiatives is provided by the TFMI Evaluation 1993. It highlights the view of staff that human resource management was the reform area that had had the greatest positive impact on the quality of their work over the previous three years, and the one that also should be given the greatest priority over the next three years.
The Public Service Act Review Group. In response to the previously mentioned recommendation of the Joint Committee of Public Accounts that the legislation governing the public service be updated, the Labor government established the Public Service Act Review Group.
Among submissions to the Review Group was that of the Public Service Commission (October 1994). The Commission again voiced its concerns about the need to maintain the traditional concept of a career public service, noting certain developments that undermined that concept, notably an increase in redundancies (from 0.2 percent of separations from the public service in 1983-84 to 34 percent in 1992-93); increased outside appointments; reduced numbers of job classification structures, modifying the long-established hierarchy of positions (eight classifications covering 90 percent of staff, versus 37 in 1987); and greater devolution - including enterprise bargaining - contributing to a wider diversity of administrative systems and practices among departments.
The Commission offered comments and options for a new Act. The analysis was based on the need to develop a more flexible human resource management framework, while preserving the key values and principles underpinning the system, such as the merit principle in appointment and promotion. For example, on the key issue of the concept of office (i.e. the notion, embedded in the existing Public Service Act , of public service officers occupying and having tenure in formally created offices), the Commission noted that "the constraints and rigidities of current APS arrangements [argue] in favour of replacing the concept of office with more flexible arrangements." However, "any system which replaced the concept of office would probably need to retain minimal characteristics" (p. 22), including a system of work levels and documented standards on the nature of the work at each level, an associated core pay system, job-specific documentation describing the tasks to be performed, and planning processes and information systems to enable effective human resource management.
The Review Group's report, issued in December 1994 and known as the McLeod report, was largely endorsed by the Labor government in August 1995. 24 Among the significant recommendations accepted was one to remove from the Act the concept of "office" (except for statutory positions). One consequence of such a change, as noted in the report, would be to encourage "a wider use of promotion to level arrangements... promotion would be to a classification (rather than to a specific position)" (p. 30). In a significant development related to the role of secretaries, the Review Group's report recommended that secretaries be given the power, in law, to employ staff (except for members of the senior executive service) without delegation or approval from the Public Service Commissioner. In a November 1995 report to the House of Representatives, the minister then responsible indicated that the new Public Service Act would implement this recommendation. 25
It was the intention of the Labor government that introduction of a new Act would follow consultation with the public service unions, but this did not occur before the March 1996 election. The change in government at that time caused further delay through reconsideration of the review. 26
Budgetary, Financial Management and Related Reforms
The theme of budgetary and financial management reforms represents the centrepiece of Australia's reform program. These reforms were undertaken in a context shaped by two key factors: an effort to cut government spending, initiated in the 1983-84 Budget in the face of a burgeoning deficit (see Appendix A ) and pursued with added vigor as pressures to cut public spending mounted in the mid-1980s; and a perceived need to modernize budgeting, financial management and related practices in order to improve decision making and government effectiveness. The reforms, which evolved over more than a decade, have been described by two of their proponents 27 as consisting of two broad elements:
- an aggregate control framework that sought to combine tight expenditure restraint with the management flexibility and incentives to improve efficiency, along with a much better focus on value for money; and
- a program framework that facilitates devolution of authority to managers for the pursuit of cost-effectiveness and provides a basis for results-based accountability, by setting out government objectives for program activities and by reporting performance alongside full program costs (M. Keating, M. Holmes 1990: p. 169).
1984 White Paper: Budget Reform
Issued in April 1984, "Budget Reform" dealt with reforms already established or being implemented, as well as those being proposed. Its three major themes were: focussing and streamlining budget decision making by government; improving the information base and processes for parliamentary and public scrutiny of government performance; and upgrading the financial management of programs. The government's stated objectives were to:
- develop better means of identifying and setting government priorities;
- focus attention on the goals and objectives of programs, in relation to the resources they use;
- develop and apply specific techniques aimed at improved performance and more efficient resource use (for example, devolution of financial management responsibilities and the introduction of a new system of program budgeting); and
- set up machinery to ensure that the effectiveness and efficiency of programs are reviewed regularly, and that such reviews are used in setting budget priorities (p. 1-2).
In essence, the notion of the reforms was to improve the quality of government - to improve government's performance - and that was largely to occur by the devolution of central authority...[making] portfolio ministers more responsible for their portfolios...[as] articulated [in] "Labor and Quality of Government" (1993 interviews).In setting out its approach to reforming the budget process, the government acknowledged its acceptance of the Coombs Commission's view that "it is only in the preparation of a budget that the determination of priorities becomes precise and realistic" (cited in Commonwealth of Australia 1984: p. 4). That view underpinned the body of inter-related budgetary and financial management reforms that unfolded throughout the Labor governments' terms in office.
Among the early reforms was the institution of annual ministerial strategy reviews to enable ministers to "form a clear picture of the nation's performance across a broad front and hence of the large issues and critical choices likely to be facing them" in the upcoming financial year, and beyond (Commonwealth of Australia 1993: p. 27). Another was the decision that ministers were to avoid submitting new policy proposals outside the budget context.
Both the expenditure reductions and the financial and budgetary reforms were facilitated by a revamped Cabinet committee system. In particular, the Expenditure Review Committee of Cabinet, established in 1983 and, importantly, chaired by the Prime Minister, assumed a pivotal role in resource allocation, becoming the "single most important mechanism for co-ordinating and implementing the government's policy agenda" (P. Aucoin, H. Bakvis 1993: p. 398).
The Committee was charged with the detailed examination of proposals not resolved through earlier budget discussions at the level of officials or between portfolio ministers and the Minister of Finance, and with the provision of advice to Cabinet in that regard. The Committee's role evolved to include responsibility for examining expenditure (and tax expenditure) proposals throughout the year in the light of overall budgetary goals, for initiating reviews of the effectiveness of programs outside the annual budget preparation period, and for serving as the main link between program review activity and budget decision making.
The central role of the Expenditure Review Committee (ERC) has been described in the following terms:
From the standpoint of prime ministerial and cabinet time, it proved to be a very labour intensive operation... the regularity of the prime minister's participation underscored the centrality of the committee to the government and the hours of detailed examination of the departmental expenditure plans gave ERC members an uncommon knowledge of programs.
[ERC's role] went beyond imposing fiscal discipline. It extended to a decisive role in the formulation and adaptation of the overarching government strategy and review of each significant departmental initiative in light of this (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 133, 137).The other key aspects of the budgetary and financial management reforms are dealt with in the pages that follow, in two broad groupings (although there is no clear division between the two) - first, those that are seen as comprising the main elements of the aggregate expenditure control framework, and second, the principal components of the program, or resource management, framework.
Forward Estimates
The "forward estimates" system evolved in Australia from the late 1970s through the 1980s. The forward estimates process develops estimates that, on a rolling basis, project the level and composition of expenditures for three years beyond the current fiscal year, assuming no policy or environmental changes. These are later adjusted annually to take account of factors such as inflation, where program expenditures are indexed, and government policy decisions that may increase or decrease estimated costs.The practice prior to 1983-84 involved the Department of Finance collecting bids for program spending from sponsor departments without rigorously examining the basis for them, except with respect to the first year. Accordingly, these bids reflected departments' own assessments of their future needs, a practice described by M. Keating and M. Holmes (1990) as "a major cause of...creeping incrementalism of government [expenditures]" (p. 171).
Under the new approach, the Department of Finance negotiated with departments the estimates for existing programs, and then assumed responsibility for updating the forward estimates each year to reflect, as indicated above, changes in economic parameters, other technical variations and, most important, the effects of government policy decisions. The same process is followed with new programs, for which projected costs for the full forward estimates period are required as part of the policy proposal considered by Cabinet. Thus, the Department of Finance is seen as "owning" the forward estimates.
Furthermore, whereas previously there tended to be widespread annual renegotiation of estimated expenditures, the new system is much more change-focussed, involving ministers primarily in the relatively small percentage of budgetary matters that require policy or strategic decisions. Thus, the forward estimates are a disciplining mechanism in the budgeting process that "enables a greater focus on strategic policy issues" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 226). At the same time, they provide much greater predictability as to resource levels for departments and agencies. In essence, the system envisages that if government policy does not change then funding will be provided in accordance with the forward estimates.
One of the senior officials we interviewed attested to the significant impact of forward estimates as follows:
The fact that we now have a budget system in place with forward estimates, and the haggle over the base for each new budget year does not take place any more, is a huge advance. If you had to pick out the one thing that we have done above all others, this reform would be the most dramatic change (1993 interviews).In 1983, a significant decision in the evolution of the forward estimates system was made when the government decided to publish them. The requirement to disclose costs for the three-year forward period was intended to ensure that decisions were made with greater awareness of future commitments, and to provide Parliament and the public with better information about budgetary realities and public expenditure patterns and priorities. The decision to publish also meant that forward estimates had to be taken more seriously, thus leading to their progressive upgrading (M. Keating, M. Holmes 1990: p. 170-172).
As the system has evolved, the government is required to disclose and to justify the costs of policy decisions leading to discretionary changes in expenditures over the three-year forward estimate period. These changes are reconciled in budget documents - that is, the budget estimates are reconciled with the forward estimates compiled the previous year. These reforms have tended to shift the focus for ministers and senior officials to a medium-term period (of four years), rather than the current budget year.
The impact of the forward estimates has been such that the TFMI Evaluation 1993, in linking that system to the record of overall government spending restraint, characterized them as "central to the expenditure control process" (p. 225). More recently, we were told by a former official who had been instrumental in the development of the government's budgetary and financial management reforms of the 1980s:
The forward estimates process and system was so central because it provided the backbone which linked the Expenditure Review Committee's macroeconomic and strategic policy-making, portfolio budgeting, and the running costs system [the latter two discussed hereafter]. It has provided a framework for a more strategic approach to decision making, much greater predictability in funding for current policies and for removing from the budgetary arena those decisions best made elsewhere (most notably management decisions). The system has built trust and changed behaviour. Perhaps the most important factor here has been the fact that, having changed the formal rules, all the players have played by the new rules (1996 interview).
Portfolio Budgeting
The concept of portfolio budgeting is that portfolio ministers are able to decide some portion of the annual budget themselves. More specifically, budgets are allocated to portfolios, perhaps along with targets for savings or funding of new policy. Within these limits, ministers may prioritize matters and reconfigure spending patterns, except where the measures proposed have an impact on other portfolios or deal with matters of such political sensitivity that consideration by the Expenditure Review Committee or by Cabinet would be warranted. Under this system a minister is empowered to adjust priorities and funding across the organizations within his or her portfolio.The term portfolio budgeting is considered to embrace a range of matters, including:
- situations where, within target allocations, portfolio ministers are required to bring forward recommendations to Cabinet;
- policy guidelines requiring ministers bringing new policy to Cabinet to specify all of their proposals for a budget, together with their priority ranking; and
- requirements for proposing ministers to identify savings offsets (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 231).
Portfolio budgeting has had some positive effects, such as the disciplinary benefit of having individual ministers make tough budgeting decisions that previously they could claim were made centrally. Overall, however, the scope and effects of portfolio budgeting have been limited by the reality that major policy decisions require collective ministerial decision making.
The Running Costs System
A third element of Australia's budgetary and financial management reforms (one that may be seen as part of both the aggregate expenditure control and the resource management frameworks) is the running costs system.A precursor to that system was the consolidation, in 1984-85, of appropriations for agencies' administrative expenses into two appropriation items - salaries, and other administrative expenses. Previously in Australia, agencies had as many as 21 separate appropriations for administrative expense items such as salaries, overtime, office equipment, postage and the like. Agencies could not alter the amounts appropriated by Parliament for each item without pursuing very cumbersome approval procedures. After consolidation, agencies continued to be required to present in their estimates separate amounts for each of the former administrative expense categories for the information of Parliament and the public, and the allocation among those categories was subject to Department of Finance approval.
Under the running costs system introduced in 1987-88 but further developed since, the salary and other administrative expense votes have been consolidated. Thus, for each department and agency there is a single appropriation for total running costs. In addition, the allocation of moneys within running costs has been devolved to departmental management, except for "notional items" for which the Department of Finance continues to set a limit on the amount that can be spent. The major components of running costs, that is salaries and administrative expenses, were notional items initially. More recently, these controls have been reduced and, as of 1995-96, for most agencies the notional items are senior executive service (SES) salaries as one item, and all other running costs as the other (Department of Finance 1995: p. 3).
As described by the Department of Finance, the running costs of an agency now represent its "full recurrent costs" and minor capital costs, and include:
- salaries and related employment costs;
- superannuation;
- administrative items;
- minor capital items;
- property operating expenses; and
- purchase of goods and services from the private sector.
An agency that brings forward new policy proposals outside the budget period must absorb any associated running costs increases for the first year. Moreover, there is no guarantee of adjustments to future running costs to cover expenditures introduced in this manner.
From 1989, certain receipts were allowed to be credited to running costs (subject to conditions set by the Department of Finance). The funding mechanisms used for retaining receipts are net voting of running costs appropriations (Australians use the term "annotated appropriations"), under section 35 of the Audit Act (1901) , and trust account (revolving fund) operations. Section 35 agreements with the Minister of Finance allow agencies to retain proceeds from the sale of underperforming non-property assets, the sale and rental of staff housing, proceeds from user charging for the provision of services, and several other minor categories of receipts (Department of Finance 1991: p. 13).
As an incentive to encourage efficiency, departments and agencies are allowed to carry over unexpended running costs appropriations from one fiscal year to the next. Departments may also borrow from a future year. The 1992 Budget raised the limits for both carry-over and borrowing from 3 percent to 6 percent of running costs; the former was raised to 10 percent by the 1995 Budget. Sums borrowed must be paid back (normally the next year) before further borrowing is allowed. The establishment of the forward estimates system made these provisions possible.
A senior official made the following general comment about the running costs system:
The running costs [system] made money real, in the sense that it established the integrity of the budget process...[so that managers have] a certain quantum of money for their operation [and] can buy a computer, or a chair, or employ a person [and know] their budget [limits] (1993 interviews).A parliamentary committee inquiry into the devolution of running costs flexibilities was requested by the Minister for Finance in December 1994. It focussed on the extent of devolution within departments and agencies to managers at lower levels and to regions, the impact in terms of improved management, and avenues for enhancing devolution in the interest of improving client service. It found that "where running costs flexibilities have been applied, indications are that they have assisted in producing a public service better able to deliver program outcomes, that is, a public service which is, in line with the aims of the FMIP reforms, more outcome oriented, efficient, cost effective and client aware" (p. 31). 28
Among the 20 recommendations in its October 1995 report:
- that financial control through the SES notional item be abandoned;
- that the maximum amount for minor capital works included under running costs be increased from $A 250,000 to $A 750,000;
- that the concept of contestability be more extensively used to maximize efficiency and enhance client service; and
- that greater consideration be given to strengthening the linkage between agency funding and agency outputs (p. xv-xvii).
The thinking behind the efficiency dividend involved the notion that at least part of agencies' productivity gains should be paid into general revenues for use in priority program areas or to reduce taxation (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 243). As the Prime Minister stated:
In the improved managerial environment being developed, all government agencies should be able to make continuing efficiency gains by improving their administrative procedures, making better use of improvements in technology and in the use of human resources (R.J. Hawke 1986: p. 5).Changes were made in the efficiency dividend to take effect in the 1994-95 fiscal year, following a parliamentary committee review. 29 It now applies to the total running costs base of departments and agencies, including property operating expenses. The rate of the dividend has been reduced to one percent a year to allow for the expanded base.
The Labor government's 1995-96 Budget imposed a reduction in agency running costs (generally one percent) in addition to the efficiency dividend. 30 Although the efficiency dividend has not had universal endorsement among Australian officials, an interesting perspective on the value of the efficiency dividend concept is reflected in the strong negative reaction to a return to ad hoc budget cuts, set out in the 1995 report of the parliamentary committee inquiry into the devolution of running costs flexibilities:
To return now to an environment of arbitrary and ad hoc cuts to running costs damages the credibility of the current system and imperils the gains which have been made. Such a reversion engenders a climate of uncertainty where indications of future funding can at best be only tentative, where government priorities appear to be temporary, and where expediency seems to carry the day over planning. The effect of this on agencies is to stifle planning and to encourage a short-term outlook, both of which are inimical to efficiency gains and changes to public service culture. In the Committee's view this is a deplorable situation which should not be allowed to recur (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Banking, Finance and Public Administration 1995: p. 57).
Resource Agreements
Resource agreements developed as an extension of the forward estimates and running costs systems, in order to provide departments with more flexible funding than is available within the normal appropriations system. They are defined as agreements for "the provision of resources in return for some action, an undertaking to act, or some other consideration" (MAB-MIAC 1991: p. ix).One illustration is the provision of a block of funds needed to make a substantial up-front investment in capital equipment, such as computing systems, with provision for repayments through reduced running costs over a period of years. Such agreements have been used as a framework for major multi-year reforms such as the modernization of the Australian Taxation Office (ATO).
A top official provided the following commentary on the ATO resource agreement:
If you're taking on a major modern technology associated with word processors, you don't do that in one year. You can't afford to go back [every year] and justify another few dollars in the pot. Because of the resource agreement we were able to get government to agree to a ten-year funding envelope, on the basis of projections, year by year: this is what we draw down and these are the efficiency savings. We don't have to go back every year to justify an increment in the funding. We report [on progress], but the funding's there. We have the flexibility to defer funding, or to bring [it] forward from year to year. To maintain cost effectiveness there are commercial arrangements, so that if we bring forward funding to take account of the cost of money, we pay interest. If we want to draw forward $20 million into the current year from a future year, we pay 10 percent interest, which effectively reduces the total [funds available]. But if, because of the way the program evolves, we defer some spending, we get a 10 percent bonus. The actual agreement started in 1989; we're coming up to the halfway point, and basically we've [met our targets] on the savings, and we've made a bit of money on the funding (1993 interviews).In exchange for the provision of a substantial block of resources and added flexibility (relative to the normal resource allocation and management framework), resource agreements between departments and the Department of Finance call for terms and conditions to be met that may include the following:
- offsets in running costs in future years, reflected in the forward estimates, as in the above-cited case;
- performance monitoring (such as through the development of performance indicators and evaluation methods) and the meeting of specified objectives; and
- formulating, monitoring and executing an agreed plan (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 235).
- receipts retention and sharing;
- multiple-year carry-overs and borrowings;
- carry-overs of greater than 10 percent and borrowings of greater than 6 percent;
- workload adjustment formulae used to determine resource provision;
- property resource agreements; and
- workplace bargaining agreements.
Better Budget Presentation and Performance Reporting
One of the themes of the White Paper, "Budget Reform", was the need for improvement in the information base and processes for parliamentary and public scrutiny. The principal changes in that regard were the introduction of a forward estimates system, and a program budgeting model (discussed in a later section). As well, a decision was made to deliver the budget prior to the start of each fiscal year (which begins on 1 July) and to alter the budget cycle. However, in addition the budget documentation itself, including budget-related documents for each portfolio, and related performance reports, have undergone periodic revision as part of the reform process.Currently, a voluminous set of documents known as Portfolio Budget Measures Statements, containing an overview of each portfolio's objectives, program structure and resources along with a discussion of budget measures, is issued with the budget. Introduced in 1994, these portfolio statements were, in the words of the then Minister for Finance, intended "to assist Senate Estimates Committees with scrutiny of the government's economic and budgetary strategy, major budget measures and continuing appropriations" (Minister for Finance 1994: p. 2). Agency annual reports, redesigned to focus on essential information for Parliament to "make a fully informed judgement as to the effectiveness of the agency in meeting its program objectives" (Minister for Finance 1994: p. 3), are issued several months later. 31
These budget statements and annual reports have become the main accountability vehicles "by which Ministers report to Parliament and the public on the effectiveness of the programs for which they are individually responsible" (C. Milazzo 1992: p. 38).
Financial Management Improvement Program
The Financial Management Improvement Program was initiated by central agencies shortly after the 1983 election of the Labor government. It is the umbrella under which many of the resource management initiatives discussed here were developed and promoted. However, as the TFMI Evaluation 1993 states, "Its specific boundaries are neither historically constant nor easily identified" (p. 207). Regardless, what is most important to note is that the reforms emanated from a belief that there was substantial scope for improvement in the management of public sector resources and the delivery of government programs, and the reforms that ensued (including those already discussed) built upon each other and were seen as an integrated whole.Those responsible for FMIP started with a diagnostic study, completed in early 1984, which examined the extent of financial management problems. It found that 94 percent of managers perceived their responsibilities in terms of not exceeding appropriation limits, that budgeting was based on negotiation of incremental inputs (i.e. over the previous year's budget), and that the system was not conducive to efficiency because "savings" were lost in the next year's appropriation. The study also found that line managers viewed financial management as a matter for departmental accountants and other experts, not themselves.
The diagnostic study led to a strategy for the implementation of new systems, based on the need for long-term, service-wide improvements aimed at creating a public service culture focussed on "managing for results".
An important theme of FMIP is that financial management systems should be driven by clearly stated, publicly disclosed objectives, defined at the level of programs. This was seen as requiring very fundamental changes such as relating program costs to evaluated outputs and outcomes, as opposed to a simple recording and control of inputs. FMIP also aimed to remove unnecessary constraints, to "let the managers manage."
It was felt that such improvements, involving multi-year and multi-dimensional initiatives, required commitment from the top and a steady, paced approach, bringing departments gradually on stream with a timetable linked to the adoption by each of a program structure suitable for program budgeting (elaborated on in the next section).
Responsibility for co-ordinating FMIP rested with the Department of Finance (and the Public Service Board until its 1987 demise). However, its implementation was to be managed by individual departments, with central agency assistance provided through advice, documentation, seminars and a consultative service.
Three "fundamental strategies" have underlied the FMIP:
- adapting budget and regulatory processes to reduce the need for central controls and to encourage efficiency through effective departmental management practices;
- introducing techniques and systems to focus departmental and agency managers on results; and
- changing administrative procedures and practices to motivate better management and awareness of resource costs (L. Parker, in J. Forster et al. 1990: p. 118).
- devolution of function - clearer specification of responsibility and accountability (for example, managers carry full responsibility for subprogram policy, administration and delivery, with general guidelines issued by a corporate management committee).
- devolution of corporate services and controls - departments and agencies have greater control over staffing, finance, purchasing, etc.
- devolution of financial autonomy - a subset of the previous category, but important in that it provides a basis for the public service manager to act "entrepreneurially" (D. O'Connor 1989: p. 2-6).
As reform guidance for managers, that FMIP report outlined a "menu of tools for good management", including:
- corporate management - developing departmental mission statements and objectives, publishing corporate plans, introducing schemes for decentralization and devolution of responsibility, and developing performance indicators for systematic measurement and evaluation;
- program management - designing program structures to match objectives;
- organization design - structuring an organization on results, rather than on the purpose of the work or function involved;
- management information - developing a systematic approach to information needs, using the latest technology, and emphasizing planning rather than control; and
- evaluation - improving the capacity for evaluation and integrating evaluation into management processes (J. Howard, in A. Kouzmin et al. 1990: p. 78-83).
Three problematic areas identified in the report were devolution, performance information and evaluation. Devolution was limited by the scarcity of management skills and the continuing unwillingness of some line managers to assume resource management responsibilities. With respect to performance information, the report indicated that while there had been modest progress (for example, most departments had or were proposing to conduct reviews of their information requirements, and increased attention had been given to management information systems), few performance indicators "have been developed to the stage where they are regularly measured and those indicators that are sufficiently well-developed tend to focus on efficiency rather than effectiveness" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 351). Evaluation of programs was found to be poorly co-ordinated with decision making, and focussed on processes rather than effectiveness.
The report identified as the "central challenge" of the next stage of FMIP the "establishment of structures to ensure better use of resources", and specified three areas:
- performance information and enhanced accountability - linking performance clearly to resource allocation and to personal assessment and rewards and improving accountability through adequate reporting of results achieved, including renewed emphasis on evaluation;
- performance incentives - developing incentives at both an organizational and individual level, including allocation of budgetary efficiency gains and lessening constraints on managers, for example, in staffing and the provision of common services; and
- development of departmental management systems - facilitating systems development (such as management information systems) through development of common standards, case studies and research (Department of Finance 1988: p. 83-96).
Program Management and Budgeting
Program Budgeting, which after 1987 became Program Management and Budgeting (PMB) to emphasize its management applications, was intended not only to contribute to improved parliamentary and public scrutiny, but to "make staff feel responsible for the results of the programs they are administering" by:
... [providing] a commonly accepted information framework [to] enable all those involved in the public expenditure process to assess program effectiveness and decide where resources would best be allocated (P. Barrett, cited in TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 250-251).The key elements of this information framework were the establishment of program structures in agencies, clearer statements of agency and program objectives (strategic and outcome-oriented), and the determination of appropriate performance indicators. The latter were linked to the development of a strategy for systematic program evaluation.
Under PMB, expenditures are classified on the basis of a hierarchy of programs, subprograms and activities, each related to purposes and objectives (as opposed to the line-item budgeting system previously in use). Management reporting systems to monitor and report on program achievement are based on this program structure. As well, the program format enhances the alignment of the annual parliamentary appropriations with program management.
Under PMB, performance information has been seen as essential:
The effort of developing performance measures and monitoring them...stimulates managers to consider what they have achieved in terms of value for money. While such information does not necessarily tell decision-makers whether more or less should be spent on a particular program, it is useful in assisting program managers to decide on the most cost-effective allocation of their resources (M. Keating, M. Holmes 1990: p. 174-175).Also, accountability is enhanced through the disclosure of performance objectives before-the-fact in spending estimates (the basis for parliamentary appropriations), along with after-the-fact disclosure of results in departmental annual reports.
Program Evaluation
The Labor government's two early White Papers, on reforming the public service and on budgetary and financial management systems, emphasized the need to assess program results. The latter stated: "Program budgeting focusses on the assessment of program effectiveness against defined objectives, and on the efficiency of resource use in program delivery..." (p. 14). However, as the TFMI Evaluation 1993 states, "Although the wish for more and better evaluation of government programs has a long history in the reform of (and attempts to reform) APS management, it has received more practical emphasis since 1987... Ministers and their departments were asked in 1987, for the first time, to prepare evaluation plans" (p. 359).The report of a 1988 task force on program evaluation revealed major inadequacies in the focus of evaluations and in the preparedness of agencies to undertake them. As well, the 1988 FMIP report concluded that evaluation was neither sufficiently focussed on effectiveness nor co-ordinated with decision making. In response to these reports, a further effort was made to require departments to formally and systematically evaluate program results. The primary focus at that time was on "encouraging agencies to pursue quality evaluations that would be useful to their management and priority-setting purposes and that would result in improving services to the public" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 361).
The government's evaluation strategy evolved from that point to require an increased focus on effectiveness (program outcomes) and the linkage of evaluation and budgeting. In recent years, evaluation policy has required portfolios to evaluate each of their programs every three to five years. To facilitate that process, portfolio ministers have been required to submit annual portfolio evaluation plans, and rolling three-year plans, to the Department of Finance. The latter monitors the activity, thereby influencing priorities, and plays a role in directing major evaluations. Ministers also have been required to specify an evaluation strategy in new policy submissions.
The portfolio evaluation plans were to focus mainly on outcomes and effectiveness issues, with evaluation reports normally required to be published. Departments and agencies were expected to have separate plans for their own management purposes that would focus on process and efficiency issues.
The coverage and quality of evaluation work is still seen to vary among portfolios and, while substantial progress has been evident and program evaluation now seems to have found a place in the culture of the Australian government, significant further improvements are still sought. Commentary on evaluation issues comes from a number of sources, including the following:
- The Australian National Audit Office reported in 1991-92 and 1992-93 on the progress of the program evaluation function; these reports found that the Department of Finance needed to strengthen its co-ordinating role. In its examination of several portfolios, the ANAO called for better planning to ensure more complete evaluation coverage and, as a counterbalance to devolution, for more monitoring and co-ordination by central departmental management (Audit Reports: No. 26, 1991-92; No. 35, 1992-93).
- A senior central agency official gave this overview of program evaluation:
An important part of the culture change sought through the reforms is to get public servants to feel part of - to own - the outcomes of programs they are responsible for administering. For this reason, we put a great emphasis on evaluation, which is largely about program outcomes. Evaluation can be an early warning that a program is not meeting its objectives - it can show that a program is useless, that the specified objectives are simply not being met. In other cases, where program delivery is an important part of the outcome, as in a social security program, an evaluation might show ways to improve the efficiency of delivery, by hiring more social workers to help people take better advantage of the program, and thus improve program outcomes.
We believe that the evaluation process will help us develop program outcome indicators, which will in turn help program managers to think more clearly about program objectives and how to make the strategies to achieve those objectives work better. Despite initial reservations from program managers, evaluation is now widely accepted, and the results of evaluations are increasingly used in the budget context. Ministers use evaluations to set priorities, and to retarget and refocus programs, especially in the social welfare area. Many decisions that led to savings in recent budgets were based on evaluations (1993 interviews).
- Discussion papers on the use of evaluation in budgets, issued annually from 1992 until 1994 by the Department of Finance (since discontinued as an economy measure), suggested that evaluation results were becoming an integral part of budget decision-making.
The 1993-94 discussion paper was based on an analysis of Cabinet budget deliberations (covering all larger expenditure decisions and a random sample of smaller ones); it concluded: "Evaluation played a key role in the formulation [of the budget] both in the proposals prepared by line departments for Cabinet consideration, and in Cabinet's decision-making on these proposals" (p. 7). Evaluation activity was defined to include formal evaluations, reviews by departments, parliamentary reviews, ANAO audits, and various studies by government research bureaus, et cetera.
At the level of Cabinet submissions, evaluation findings contributed, directly or indirectly, to 43 percent of new policy proposals and about 58 percent of options for savings. These figures consisted of "direct" influence, involving submissions whose content "resulted directly from an evaluation", in evidence in 35 percent of new policy proposals but in comparatively few savings options (4 percent); and "indirect" influence, that is, the use of evaluation findings in supporting material (or in "creating a climate of opinion"), found in 9 percent of new policy proposals and in most savings options (55 percent).
A survey of Finance officials revealed that, for new policy proposals, the linkage to evaluation did not make a difference in terms of Cabinet acceptance or rejection of submissions; thus, 71 percent of evaluation-linked submissions succeeded, and 72 percent of those not linked to evaluation also succeeded. For savings options, evaluations influenced Cabinet decisions in only a small minority of cases (Department of Finance 1994: p. 5).
- In August 1994, a conference on public service reform sponsored by the Senate Standing Committee on Finance and Public Administration heard a range of views on evaluation issues. Although there was general agreement that much more evaluation was being done (240 major evaluations in progress in 1994, versus 55 in 1989), concerns were raised in several areas, notably in relation to the observed tendency to emphasize process-related issues as opposed to an impact or results orientation.
- The Management Advisory Board's 1994 report to the Prime Minister on public service reform noted: "There are several examples of evaluations in recent years which have had a significant impact on government decision-making." 32 The same document cited an analysis by the Department of Finance that showed improvements in the "quality and strategic usefulness" of portfolio evaluation plans; and audit reports from the Australian National Audit Office "confirming that evaluation activity is generally increasing across portfolios." However, the Board added: "More can be done to link evaluation activities to the improvement of APS advice to government" (p. 8).
Corporate Planning
Corporate planning gathered momentum after 1986, and by 1992 was in place in various forms in virtually all agencies. It should be noted that as recently as the 1970s, the notion that departments should have objectives, and therefore all the trappings of corporate management, was greeted with incredulity by senior public servants. From this modest start, corporate plans are now typically used to "set strategic direction and articulate corporate values (and) focus the attention of staff on results or outcomes" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 24).In the words of a senior central agency official:
Corporate planning is not just something we've picked up from the private sector...We're trying to get people at all levels in the organization to understand what the organization is all about, what its objectives are, so that no matter how mundane their function, employees will have the high-level objectives in mind - they will know how their efforts can lead to better outcomes (1993 interviews).An example of the corporate planning process was provided by an interview at the Australian Taxation Office:
Corporate planning is a good vehicle for [reform] because it reflects the major issues that you want to take on. We start with a preliminary planning conference in September, that brings the regional managers, our deputy commissioners, together with the national program managers to start an environmental scanning process. As part of the input to that process, we [invite] stakeholders - parliamentarians, business people - to come and talk to us about the issues. [Early in the process] the deputy commissioners start informal discussions with the staff. We have a national office and 20 branch offices. Each branch office has roughly 600 to 800 people, headed by a deputy commissioner. We get an external perspective and an internal perspective from the start. We put that together and we come up with the major trends for the year ahead.
We then apply the financial aspects: what we will do [with] the resources available; the resources that government has appropriated, or has put in the forward estimates. Each deputy commissioner is asked: Given an assumed level of funding, generally based on last year, and given the performance standards we've adopted, and given these trends that we've got to respond to, what is [he or she] going to do? Deputy commissioners are given authority to shift resources, [for example] from enforcement projects to corporate support programs.
[The next phase is to look for] consistent trends emerging from the plans that the deputy commissioners are putting together. At the same time we'll be trying to inject, if the Commissioner sees that it's important for us, a mode of reform that perhaps hasn't been picked up [by the regions] ... [The overall process] is very much about trying to draw up from the bottom. It's not perfect (1993 interviews).A regional perspective on corporate planning comes from our interviews with officials in state (regional) offices of two departments:
[Department A] The notion of corporate planning, attractive as it is, simply needs a whole lot more effort to implement [properly]. Everyone does it in their own way. The idea is accepted relatively well that everyone should participate in this process, but how do you do it efficiently and have a bearing on performance? I don't know. We haven't perfected that. We do our own little version here in Brisbane because I think it's a good idea, and because the reformers told me that I should, and I've seen it succeed in some things that we do. But basically we don't have a constant updating process. We had a very good corporate plan in 1989 that was a well-written document, but how well it was implemented and what it meant for performance are the questions.
[Department B] I think we're getting a lot better at corporate planning. That's one [reform] that I know really is getting its act together. Business planning should be left to the regions; and the corporate plan should be a much higher-level document - and it is in [our department] (1993 interviews).
Streamlining
The deterioration of Australia's trading position in 1986 led Prime Minister Hawke to launch a policy to fundamentally restructure the private sector economy to enable Australia to compete internationally and to continue its domestic growth. 33 Hawke called on the private sector "to make sacrifices in this adjustment process and to find means of further increasing its efficiency". He went on to say:
We could hardly do so without considering what adjustments should be made in the public sector to assist [this] process of change [and to] set an example by accelerating the drive for greater efficiency in the public sector (R. J. Hawke 1989: p. 15).Streamlining of the public sector was pursued by a variety of measures, one of which was the creation in 1986 of an Efficiency Scrutiny Unit. This initiative was explicitly modelled on its British counterpart. The unit was headed by a leading consultant from the private sector (Mr. David Block) who reported directly to the Prime Minister. The unit, itself very small, directed a program of intensive, short-term studies known as "scrutinies", generally carried out by the departments themselves in selected operational areas.
A large number of scrutinies were undertaken over a three-year period, initially under the Efficiency Scrutiny Unit and, after it was disbanded in 1987, under a unit in the Department of Finance. As an incentive to departments and agencies, they were allowed to retain up to 25 percent of the savings achieved.
Commentary on the Block scrutinies was as follows:
The scrutinies ... did some reasonable work. David Block was from the private sector [and his] aim was to try to change attitudes of government and really to use the scrutinies as a means of illustrating why those changes should occur. Block was very much into devolution - let the managers manage, and so on. And getting out of "process" - concentrating on the outcome, for example, instead of worrying about processing every account, [and] checking [it] four times. A lot of people, particularly within Finance, wanted those scrutinies to be an attempt to screw down, to save money; and they did save money, but that wasn't the main exercise. The easiest way of saving money is to say: okay, we reduce this by 20 percent, et cetera. You go away and do it. But Block wasn't into that sort of arbitrary cost cutting. He was really looking for change in culture and he was fast to use the best private sector practice. Block set the foundations, in terms of restructuring in '87. He got the climate right (1993 interviews).As reflected in the foregoing, the Efficiency Scrutiny Unit was instrumental in shaping certain of the structural changes of 1987, notably the abolition of the Public Service Board (as later discussed).
The streamlining initiative launched a number of reforms already mentioned, aimed at removing constraints to more productive management. These include numerous personnel management measures - such as those related to job classification, inefficient and surplus staff, and selection and promotion procedures - as well as increased delegation of authority from central agencies to departments. Among the financial management measures are the carry-over of unused administrative funds from one fiscal year to the next, and the efficiency dividend.
Commercialization
Commercialization has been defined as "a process by which costs are attributed, prices determined and a market established for public sector goods and services" (R. Fisher, in Department of Finance 1994: Workshop 3). Its purpose: "to improve the effectiveness with which public sector resources are allocated and used by introducing `market disciplines' - notably the disciplines of `user pays' and `user choice' ..." (J. Mellors 1995: p. 2).Commercialization has taken one of two basic forms. "The more conventional form has been the excising of activities from departments, the reformation of those activities within a company structure, with the company then being placed in the position of being required to compete for government [and other] business... The other form is the commercialization of activity within a traditional department of State structure" (E. Thorn 1990: p. 2).
However, "The focus has... been on achieving the desired result rather than conforming to one model or theory. As a result there is a range of organization reforms across the Australian public service and increasing experimentation with new ways of delivering cost-effective services" (J. Mellors 1995: p. 2).
The major area of commercialization in the public service has been in the provision of common services. In 1987, as part of a major government restructuring initiative, most common services were merged in the Department of Administrative Services (DAS), formed from 16 programs in nine departments. Among its services: building design, construction, repair and maintenance, property management, transport and storage, purchasing and sales, mapping and surveying, publishing and printing, archives and meteorology.
Although commercialization had begun in the transport services prior to the establishment of DAS, the latter's 1987 charter (contained in a letter from the Prime Minister to the Minister for Administrative Services) called for "a fundamental reappraisal of the provision of common services to government agencies". In this regard, the Prime Minister emphasized the need to reappraise:
- the extent to which central provision is necessary (as against central setting of standards but provision by individual agencies);
- the extent to which any provision by a central public authority should be in open competition with private sector suppliers; and
- the extent and method of application of the "user pays" principle either for partial or full cost recovery or on a full profit-making basis (cited in G. Bashford 1990: p. 158).
- on the demand side -
- on the supply side -
The Labor government adopted a policy of progressively opening up the provision of common services to competition from the private sector. In 1988, 23 principles were approved to guide changes proposed for DAS. (See Exhibit I for selected principles; the full set of principles is reproduced as Appendix C .) In 1995, their continuing relevance was noted by the DAS Secretary:
These 23 principles laid the foundation for the reforms which have taken place since 1988. Although the detail of the department's operating framework has been adjusted in the intervening years, the underpinning elements remain largely as outlined in [those principles] (J. Mellors 1995: p. 4-5).All DAS' operational divisions were evaluated against these principles "and the degree and timing of commercialization decided in considerable detail" (J. Mellors, 1995: p. 5). Over the period to 1991, most of these operations were converted from budget-funded to commercial, self-funding business units whose market-related changes were, in a short time frame, expected to cover all costs, including indirect costs such as rent, interest, workers' compensation and superannuation (and, later, taxes). The DAS multi-year plan launched in 1987-88 included the establishment of business units that would deliver some services on a for-profit basis.
A former senior official summarized the origins of commercialization and the development of the 23 principles as follows:
The genesis of [commercialization] goes back to 1987 [when] the megadepartments were created. [There was] a philosophy, and a trend towards deregulation, decentralization, devolution, [known as] the new managerialism, which was basically letting the managers manage, providing, from the centre, guidance rather than control, and a focus on accountability. In the case of [DAS], there was an argument, right at the outset, about whether it would be better to devolve provision of most of the common services or whether these services should continue to be provided centrally. And in the end it was decided to form [DAS] but in so doing to raise the question as to whether services could be provided more cheaply, more efficiently, more effectively, by exposing the provision of services to competition from the private sector. So one of the early things that happened was the development of a set of principles that would relate to the provision of common services. There were 23 of them and they were virtually the first policy framework [for DAS] (1993 interviews).By 1991-92 about 60 percent of DAS business units' revenues were generated on the basis of open competition with the private sector.
In 1992, experience with competition in DAS was described by the then secretary:
...four years down the track, most DAS businesses are untied or becoming so, requiring that they compete on the open market for government business...[they] must quote and tender competitively against the private sector...Most DAS businesses experienced, or expect to experience, a significant downturn in business as clients, newly untied, experiment with alternative suppliers...Some departments [have established] "in-house" provision of services. On the other hand, the preparedness of some DAS businesses to pursue market share aggressively has been regarded withA 1993 survey of 11 DAS commercial business units indicated that most were providing services on an optional basis, and those with "tied" (mandatory) services had plans to convert to optional service provision in the near future (OECD 1993). By 1994-95, "around 85 percent of DAS' commercial revenue [was] fully contestable by the private sector" (J. Mellors 1995: p. 8).
mixed feelings by [the] private sector... (N. Tanzer, in P. Weller et al. 1993: p. 51).
The DAS commercialization framework was reviewed in 1991 and again in 1992 when, in the view of the then departmental Secretary, DAS was "at a mid point in its journey towards full commercialization" (N. Tanzer 1992: p. 15). These reviews concluded that "while fully commercial performance (e.g. full private sector rates of return on capital) was not a realistic objective for a number of DAS businesses... many... would be expected to provide a positive rate of return and... all of them should at least break even by 1995-96" (DAS 1993: p. 4).
To that end, the medium-term strategy for DAS' commercial operations included the following parameters:
- in setting performance targets, account should be taken of the advantages and constraints inherent in operating in a Department of State;
- services should be exposed to increased competition through continued untying optionality;
- there would be development of credible business plans and quarterly financial reporting to the Department of Finance on progress against them;
- any transitional subsidy required to implement business plans was to decline to zero after 1994-95, except where ongoing budget funding was provided for explicit reasons; and
- the future of individual business units and the continuation of transitional funding was to be subject to an annual review of progress against business plans (DAS 1993: p. 4-5).
Initially, DAS business units operated on a semi-autonomous basis in a department with two major streams of activity: commercial businesses and other, budget-funded departmental operations. The focus was on addressing the particular challenges to improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the individual businesses.
Experimentation and learning - a pragmatic approach - has been a central feature of DAS' move to commercialization. Thus, for example, Purchasing Services was shifted out of commercial operations when it was determined that such an approach was not appropriate to government requirements.
As commercialization progressed, a focus on increased co-operation among, and integration of, the business units - a "one-stop shop" approach - began to develop. Nineteen small programs were combined into four.
Another feature of structural change was the establishment of business-specific advisory boards, with customers, unions and private sector representatives, to provide input to senior managers on commercial strategies and directions.
In the operation of the business units in particular, attention has been focussed on business planning, commercial objectives and outcomes, and the use of business accounting practices, including the preparation of full accrual financial statements. 34 Funding arrangements and performance targets generally have been negotiated through resource agreements.
In recognition of the changed environment under commercialization, risk management techniques have been introduced, and an increased customer orientation developed. As one senior official indicated,
...the benefits of commercialization [include] the introduction of competition [and] of commercial principles for service delivery, [which] have resulted in real efficiencies... In each of our service lines, we have commenced quality improvement programs... Everything we do in the way we send proposals to our customers [is] commercially focussed...[to] meet the customer's needs (1993 interviews).Revenues earned by common service providers are retained in a trust account (comparable to a Canadian revolving fund) rather than paid into the consolidated fund. While initially there were separate trust accounts for individual businesses, DAS now maintains a single trust account for all commercial operations. DAS businesses receive no operating subsidies from the budget (except payments for meeting specified, non-commercial Community Service Obligations) and income from sales must be generated to cover all costs.
The financial performance of the commercialized units has improved markedly from 1987-88, when a substantial notional loss (one estimate being $A 68 million) was incurred. By 1991-92 the trust account showed a modest profit, with DAS cost reductions totalling some $A 200 million per annum. However, several of the business units making up the account incurred losses over the period and since, including DAS Distribution (a moving and storage service), Asset Services (which maintains Commonwealth property and assets), and DAS Interiors Australia (accommodation planning and design). Overall, profits of about $A 2 million in 1991-92 increased to $17 million in 1992-93 and to $45 million in 1993-94. Annually, a decision has been made on whether to return any profits to the consolidated fund based on "the general principle that (net) surpluses will often need to be retained...to finance future requirements" (principle 19 of the 23 principles referred to above).
Corporate culture change represents a major challenge in entities that, as the Australian National Audit Office noted, "remain accountable directly to Minister[s] and [are] subject to most public service administrative and financial controls and processes", but "operate outwardly in a commercial manner" (Audit Report No.16 1992-93). Traditional public service approaches have, to varying degrees, been found wanting in a commercial environment. An OECD case study on Australian commercialization noted, "The scale of the task involved in changing staff attitudes...[was] in hindsight underestimated" (OECD 1993: p. 35). Our interview with a former top official illustrated what went on:
We have done some very tough things in public service terms...we spilled most of the general manager positions [heads of business units], and they were opened to private sector competition...Not all of these positions were vacant...[To be] competitive, we needed to test whether or not we had the best skills...We went through a series of quite devastating reorganizations. In the early days [of commercialization] we took sizeable chunks of the operations and just dissected them...and turned them into businesses (1993 interviews).In recognition of these problems, investment in staff training and awareness, significant from the start of commercialization, was further upgraded in the areas of client service, marketing and financial skills. Two areas that proved particularly problematic were the need to upgrade financial skills to cope with the introduction of accrual accounting, and the management of staff reductions.
To 1992, the elimination of non-viable services from commercial business units (where over 80 percent of the department's staff worked) resulted in a 32 percent decline in staff numbers in these units (from 14,560 in 1987 to 9,850 in April 1992). According to a DAS report, these cuts were achieved mainly through natural attrition and voluntary redundancies. As further cuts ensued, however, this could not be sustained. The average staffing level in the business units fell to about 5,200 for the 1995-96 fiscal year. In terms of overall financial performance and future directions, the DAS Secretary stated in mid-1995:
Performance outcomes for DAS' commercial services in aggregate have demonstrated substantial progress towards achieving commercial financial returns by 1995-96 although some individual businesses have performed less strongly. In 1995-96 the government will undertake a comprehensive review of the commercialization framework for DAS to determine what further changes (if any) should be made 35 (J. Mellors 1995: p. 5).Although DAS has been the pacesetter in the Australian public service, commercialization has also been extended to services provided by other agencies, including: Attorney General's; Defence; the Australian Bureau of Statistics; Human Services and Health; and Housing and Regional Development. For example, the Commonwealth Reporting Service (now "Auscript"), in the Attorney General's Department, has been undergoing commercialization of its operations since 1989-90.
User Charging
As discussed in the foregoing, an important aspect of financing arrangements under commercialization has been the introduction of user charging, following the principles of "user pays" and "user choice". With respect to the provision of common services, generally the government has provided funding to the purchasers rather than to the agencies providing the services. In the case of DAS, funds were taken from what had been a monopoly supplier and regulator, and given to DAS' customers (other budget-funded agencies). In turn, DAS introduced market-based user charges to meet its costs and attain financial targets (such as commercial rates of return on equity), and services were made optional. The intent of this approach has been described as "to make users more accountable by transferring responsibility for funds and service delivery levels to client agencies" (ANAO, Audit Report No. 16 1992-93).User charging, however, has been used increasingly in a variety of other circumstances where, for example, charges may not reflect full cost recovery and/or clients may still be tied to the service provider. Indeed, Department of Finance directions were amended, "making user charging between agencies the norm rather than the exception" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 301). As well, user charging has been applied within departments - for example, between administrative service providers and program units - and to external users. An example of the latter is charging by the Department of Defence to cover its full costs whenever possible, such as in providing assistance to the civil community.
User charging has been identified as a means of regulating demand for government services through a price mechanism, in addition to its use in revenue raising: "The [user charging] system has proven useful not only in reducing the cost to the Budget of external users, but also in the rationing of supply between agencies and within agencies" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 306).
Accrual Accounting
In 1992, the Minister for Finance referred to financial reporting on an accrual basis as "the next step in the government's public sector reform program" (Department of Finance 1993: p. iii) - one leading to more comprehensive and better-focussed financial reporting.By then, accrual reporting already applied to government entities controlling "some 90 percent" of Commonwealth assets, excluding those held by Defence - that is, Government Business Enterprises, statutory authorities and certain agency commercial operations such as common service providers (MAB-MIAC 1991: p. ix).
Accrual reporting was aimed at providing information "relevant to a wider range of assessments by users"; in particular, to:
- facilitate an assessment of program performance by showing the full costs of resources used in program delivery;
- facilitate an assessment of financial position by showing all resources and obligations; and
- enhance the accountability of management for its performance...acting as a spur to better management performance, e.g. in relation to the management of assets, creditors, etc. (Department of Finance April 1993: p. iii, 3).
In a 1993-94 audit report on the subject of departmental readiness for accrual accounting, the Auditor-General found that "many agencies have not been well prepared for accounting and reporting reforms to date; and are not [as of mid-1993, the date of the ANAO survey] well prepared for the introduction of full accrual accounting." Agencies needed to take concerted action in the areas of recruitment and training, and in the development and implementation of accounting and financial management information systems capable of satisfying full accrual reporting requirements (Audit Report No. 32, 1993-94).
Program and Policy Reviews
Among more recent initiatives was a series of major program and policy reviews initiated in the 1993-94 Budget. Department of Finance documents portray these reviews as complementary to the Labor government's program evaluation strategy. The context of the reviews was the government's target of reducing the deficit to around one percent of GDP by 1996-97.Reviews took account of expenditure trends across all portfolios, together with ministers' own reviews of their portfolio priorities. Most reviews were conducted by interdepartmental committees, including the line portfolio(s) and one or more of the central co-ordinating departments: Finance, Prime Minister and Cabinet, and Treasury.
Reviews focussed on areas of rapid expenditure growth, and other areas where, for a variety of reasons, there was scope for program improvements. Many reviews emphasized value for money and "finding ways of doing things better for the same or reduced cost" (Department of Finance 1994: p. 6). Approaches to efficiency improvement included benchmarking, commercialization and cost recovery. Many reviews entailed the collection of new evaluation information; others involved the synthesis of a range of available evaluation and review findings.
The 1993-94 cycle of reviews (comprising 48 individual reviews) related to aspects of programs that collectively covered over 50 percent of federal government expenditures. About half of these reviews were completed by the time of the 1994-95 Budget, when several additional reviews were launched. 36
Proposal for a New Legislative Framework for Financial Management and Accountability
In 1994, the Labor government brought forward three legislative proposals bearing on the financial management and control framework for the public sector, to replace the Audit Act (1901) : the Financial Management and Accountability Bill; the Commonwealth Authorities and Companies Bill; and the Auditor-General Bill. These bills were not passed before the 1996 election. Nonetheless, they are dealt with briefly here to provide insight into the rationale underlying them.The Financial Management and Accountability (FMA) Bill was intended to modernize the legislative base for financial administration. It would not have made major changes in existing financial management practices, but rather would have brought the underlying legislation up-to-date to reflect the reforms instituted to that time.
The Audit Act (1901) , as the fourth piece of legislation passed following federation, gave effect to the provisions of the Constitution relating to parliamentary control over public money and established a framework for financial administration. In spite of its title, less than half of the Act's provisions deal with auditing. Although amended, and supplemented in important respects by subordinate legislation (regulations and directions), the Act's narrow view of financial activities (e.g. the physical handling of and accounting for moneys and stores) needs to be expanded to reflect the full range of financial tasks performed by government today. 37 The Joint Committee on Public Accounts recommended in 1989 that the Act be repealed and replaced with more modern legislation.
The FMA Bill was described by the Labor government as incorporating the Audit Act's financial control principles, simplifying and clarifying them where possible, and applying them "in ways that support...reforms in public sector financial management." In scope, the Bill covered the activities of persons in organizations that, financially, are agents of the government (that is, departments or statutory authorities whose enabling legislation does not give them legal ownership of money or property separate from the government). The traditional role of the Minister of Finance as custodian of public money was specified, as were the responsibilities and powers of chief executives (that is, the secretaries of departments and head of agencies) for the day-to-day management of the government's financial affairs.
Improved accountability within government was expected from provisions of the FMA Bill requiring chief executives to, among other things, manage resources in an efficient, effective and ethical manner, prepare fraud control plans, and establish high-level audit committees within their agencies. Better external accountability (from government to Parliament) was expected to flow from the restructuring of fund accounting arrangements by creating two purpose-related funds: a commercial activities fund and a reserved moneys fund (that is, the accounting category for moneys set aside - by legislation, trustee arrangements, or by the Minister for Finance - for specific future spending purposes).
The Commonwealth Authorities and Companies Bill aimed to implement a standard framework for reporting, auditing and ethical requirements for directors of federal government statutory authorities and Government Business Enterprises. It would have supplemented obligations in corporate law respecting the accountability of those directors to ministers and Parliament.
The Auditor-General Bill was described by the government as intended to respond to the recommendations of the Joint Committee of Public Accounts to enhance the Auditor-General's effectiveness, scope and independence from government. 38 The relevant parts of the Bill were outlined as follows, in the summary accompanying its presentation in the House of Representatives:
[The Bill] defines the powers and functions [of the Audit Office] to support its functional independence [from government through] parliamentary involvement in the appointment [of the Auditor-General and]...through the mechanism of his right to report to Parliament on any matter, and by clarifying and strengthening his mandate.In 1994, the Australian National Audit Office expressed several concerns about the latter Bill. 39 However, these concerns were not mentioned in the 1994-95 Annual Report, submitted to Parliament by a new Auditor-General.
Structural Reforms
Restructuring of the Cabinet/Departmental System
In 1987, a few days after obtaining a new electoral mandate, Prime Minister Hawke launched a major restructuring of executive government.Underpinning this restructuring was a plan developed by Michael Codd, then Secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, and Peter Wilenski, then Chairman of the Public Service Board, after intensive consultations with all of the departmental secretaries during the electoral period. The plan hinged on a "logical grouping of programs and services" that was intended to create a stable structure, overcoming past practice of over-frequent, often politically motivated changes in ministerial portfolios and departmental structures (1993 interviews).
The number of departments was initially reduced from 28 to 18, organized in 16 portfolios (departments of Veterans' Affairs and of Aboriginal Affairs were retained but made part of a larger portfolio). Among the major changes at that time were the previously discussed merging of common services in the Department of Administrative Services, and two matters discussed hereafter, namely: the abolition of the Public Service Board and its replacement by a smaller, less powerful Public Service Commission; and the creation of a statutory Management Advisory Board to advise government on significant public service management issues.
A new two-tiered ministry also was introduced, with 16 portfolio ministers comprising the Cabinet, and 14 junior ministers outside the Cabinet, acting in support of the portfolio ministers. A two-tier system had previously existed but, as noted by a former senior official, "a cabinet of fifteen to seventeen consisted of the more senior ministers responsible for what could sometimes be an arbitrary group of portfolios, others being left unrepresented" (S. Hamilton, in A. Kouzmin et al. 1990: p. 65). The 1987 changes, while having little impact on the size of the ministry or of the Cabinet, ensured that all portfolios were represented in Cabinet.
As well, under this new arrangement, subject to the over-riding authority of the portfolio minister, non-Cabinet ministers assumed responsibilities in the portfolio that focussed on either program administration or relatively discrete policy areas. They also assisted with such matters as corporate management and parliamentary duties.
Various objectives have been identified for the restructuring:
- a determination to create structures supportive of the government's policy reform agenda (identified by Prime Minister Hawke as the major reason);
- broader perspectives and greater coherence in policy advice, program development and delivery;
- an improved Cabinet structure - one of more manageable size but with all portfolio interests represented;
- enhanced ministerial control of departments (through sharing of ministerial workload within a two-level ministerial structure);
- improved decision-making and budget processes, enhancing departmental co-ordination and providing the institutional framework for portfolio budgeting (with fewer units, each representing wider, related interests, expenditure and policy trade-offs could more readily be made internally); 40
- greater flexibility in portfolio operations and potential stability in the machinery of government;
- creation of enhanced opportunities for the devolution of administrative functions (larger entities having greater capacity to assume more responsibility); and
- the removal of overlap and duplication of functions among departments, and savings from economies of scale (together involving the elimination of up to 3,000 public service positions, about 2 percent of the total) (M. Codd 1988: p. 26; R.J. Hawke 1989: p. 11-12; S. Hamilton, in R. Kouzmin et al. 1990: p. 64-65; M. Keating 1993: p. 2).
Writing five years after the changes, the then Secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Michael Keating, although noting significant transition costs, considered that each of the objectives of the 1987 restructuring had been attained in some measure. In his view, the most important of these was "clarity of policy purpose", that is, a sharper focus on government policy priorities (M. Keating 1993: p. 2). Keating felt that larger departments were not "submerging" the policy viewpoints of their constituent elements.
Further evidence of the success of this initiative is that there have been only relatively minor changes in the basic portfolio structure since 1987. 41 As of March 1994, there were 18 portfolio departments, each of which was represented in Cabinet by a minister. Following the March 1996 election, the coalition government returned the structure to 16 portfolio departments, broadly in line with the 1987 model. 42 Appendix D shows the 1987 changes and the portfolio/departmental structure adopted in March 1996. 43
In conjunction with the 1987 restructuring of departments and the ministry, three new policy development committees were established: The Structural Adjustment Committee and the Social and Family Policy Committee (later the Social Justice Committee) have been described as the "two policy think-tanks in the Cabinet" (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 78). The third new committee was the Public Service Reform Committee.
One of the important benefits arising from these new committees, particularly the first two mentioned, was horizontal policy integration - the "much greater ability for ministers collectively to engage in policy development..." (R.J. Hawke 1989: p. 9).
Although very active during the 1987 restructuring, the Public Service Reform Committee met infrequently thereafter. In 1991, after 18 months without a meeting, it was abolished, as it had become "generally peripheral to the main currents of change" (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 170). Senior officials noted that the Committee "never really lived up to its potential use":
The real driving force for Cabinet consideration and a lot of public service changes really came through the Expenditure Review Committee. The role of the Public Service Reform Committee [was] more in terms of the administrative effects rather than the budgetary effects. It had an assessment role rather than a policy development role. It didn't work anything like the Structural Adjustment Committee or the Social and Family Policy Committee, [which] sat as a group of ministers, serviced by officials from [the Prime Minister and Cabinet department, with] programs, agendas, and the ministers responsible for driving the focus of the committee. The public service reform committee assessed papers as they came forward rather than pushing the direction in which [reforms] went (1993 interviews).However, senior officials also noted, "The very establishment of [the Public Service Reform Committee] brought home to ministers...the significance of reforms in the public sector", and:
It was bureaucrats who were driving the reforms, but whenever you needed to have the support of ministers, it was fought [for] and it was gained (1993 interviews).The attendance and participation of senior officials at meetings of the Expenditure Review Committee (ERC) and at policy development committee meetings helped to build "a confluence of views and interests" - in effect, a kind of partnership between these officials and their political masters. This "symbiosis" continued and "perhaps intensified" under Prime Minister Keating, and was important in advancing public service reform (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 30).
The significance of the Cabinet committees is further illustrated in the following comments of senior officials:
In Australia, the Cabinet system and its structure...has been an extremely important element in the whole of the reform process...The Cabinet committee system [showed] how, in partnership with officials, the Cabinet could be used in a constructive way to help advance the reform agenda (1993 interviews).
ERC [has been] instrumental [in linking "micro" and "macro" decision-making] - so that Cabinet is concerned with high-level issues, ministers in their portfolios with the next level of issues, and managers in departments [with] operational matters (1993 interviews).
The Abolition of the Public Service Board
In addition to changes to the Cabinet and Cabinet committee system, and the merging of departments, a number of important structural changes were made in 1987 based on the findings of the scrutinies launched the previous year. In particular, the government accepted the Efficiency Scrutiny Unit's recommendation to abolish the Public Service Board.The Public Service Board, established under the Public Service Act (1922), had been accorded broad powers over all aspects of personnel management, including pay, job classification, staffing, establishments, position approvals, professional training, industrial relations and grievances. The Board acted as the guarantor of the merit principle, with a statutory independence from the government of the day. It exercised centralized controls over departmental staffing decisions and staff ceilings.
These controls were viewed by one authoritative source as having created "an incredibly unhealthy culture in the public service." The extent of the centralization was such that departments typically could neither staff nor classify positions, particularly at senior levels, without specific approvals from the Board, which were often difficult to obtain (1993 interviews).
The Board also had responsibilities for efficiency, economy and management improvement; it was "the most important agency in the management of the public service" (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 166). For example, the Board acted as co-sponsor with Finance of the Financial Management Improvement Program, and also produced guidelines for the streamlining of personnel management launched in 1986.
A senior official described the origins of the centralized system, noting both the significant formal powers of the Board and the informal power of secretaries of departments within this regime:
In 1922, the first year of the Public Service Board, over 80 percent of APS staff worked in what was then called the Postmaster General's Department. Those people are now [in] statutory authorities that are quite outside the scope of the APS. Until 1975, the Public Service Board was very much driven by the industrial organizational problems of running the post office and the telegraph system. That's where the strikes were, that's where you had classification [actions]. There was always a tremendous amount of centralized power, but provided the forms of those powers were recognized, departmental secretaries did what they liked. When I joined the public service, it didn't matter that my promotion had to be approved by the Public Service Board, that was what you might call a centralized formality. We can overly emphasize the role of that central agency, because the rules were such that departmental secretaries had independent discretion: they didn't have to advertise jobs, they didn't have to advertise competitions [and so on]. There were some realities behind the Board which frustrated a lot of heads of departments, [but they] operated powerful, very independent fiefdoms. In the old days, the departmental secretary was virtually immune from sacking by the government, and the worst the government could do was break up the department and reorganize it. And what happened in the 1980s is that the Australian public service has been democratized; what you have now is a public service which is responsible to the elected government of the day (1993 interviews).Beginning in 1984, the Hawke administration had progressively diminished the powers of the Public Service Board. In that year the Board lost control over staff numbers and establishments to the Department of Finance, and its responsibility for adjudicating grievances was transferred to the Merit Protection and Review Agency. Some personnel management powers and functions were also delegated to departments. However, the Board's role in promoting several internal public service reforms was enhanced, notably in relation to industrial democracy and equality of employment opportunity.
Among the factors accounting for the demise of the Board were an increased emphasis on the responsibilities of departments, rather than central agencies, for resource allocation and management, the pre-eminent role assumed by the Department of Finance in this area (C. Campbell, J. Halligan 1992: p. 168), and the pressures for further devolution to line departments (J. Alford 1993: p. 1-2).
What came through from the submissions [to the Efficiency Scrutiny Unit] was that the Board had practically no supporters around the line departments. The perception of the Board was that it was overstaffed, over-intrusive, unhelpful, more an impediment to improving administration than a benefit. The perceptions were so strong that for that reason alone something dramatic had to happen to it. The [Efficiency Scrutiny Unit] recommendation, to cut it back to a much smaller commission, was what was needed to bring about a massive cultural change - to put a shock wave through (1993 interviews).The Board, with three commissioners and some 780 staff in 1987, was replaced by a much smaller single-commissioner Public Service Commission 44 (with 130 staff as of 1990). Many of the Board's functions and its staff were transferred to the departments of Finance and Industrial Relations. The Board's responsibilities for pay, structures, and matters related to conditions of employment moved to Industrial Relations, which also provides policy advice, research and other services to departmental managers. Finance took over some aspects of classification policy and standards; other responsibilities in this area were moved to departments.
The Public Service Commission was made responsible for policy advice in relation to recruitment, promotion, transfer, mobility, discipline and retirement, and was given a monitoring role in respect to employment equity. Almost all operational aspects of personnel matters, excluding the Senior Executive Service (which remained with the Commission), were devolved to individual departments.
Devolution in personnel administration has included:
- departments and agencies interpreting and applying the basic policies and standards established by central agencies, although staff can appeal some matters under the Merit Protection and Review Agency legislation;
- departmental secretaries having specific responsibilities and powers (other than for the SES) in areas such as the creation and abolition of offices, appointment of officers, reclassification, promotion and transfer, discipline and reduction in classification and retirement of officers; and
- local managers within departments being given more authority to approve expenditure and staffing matters, such as promotions, according to local conditions (M. Codd 1991: p. 8; Conference on Civil Service Change 1990: p. 3).
The Management Advisory Board
The Management Advisory Board (MAB) was established by statute in 1987. It assumed some of the advisory functions of the former Public Service Board. The membership and functions of MAB are set out in section 22 of the Public Service Act (1922) .The members named in the Act are the Secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (designated as Chairperson), the Public Service Commissioner, and the secretaries of the departments of Industrial Relations and Finance. Other statutory members include "such other Secretaries as are nominated...by the Prime Minister", and "at least two other persons", one nominated in consultation between the Prime Minister and the Australian Council of Trade Unions and another who must have "management expertise in the private sector." MAB had nine members as of October 1994.
The functions of the Board are to advise the Commonwealth Government on significant issues relating to the management of the Australian public service, and to be a forum for consideration of major management activities affecting the public service as a whole.
As a policy advisory and information-sharing body operating at the highest bureaucratic levels, MAB has greatly facilitated Australia's gradual but persistent approach to public service reform.
A Management Improvement Advisory Committee (MIAC) was formed by MAB in 1989 to prepare discussion papers (for the Board and for publication) and to advise on issues referred to it by the Board. MIAC is made up of Senior Executive Service staff from central agencies and line departments, with emphasis on representation from the regions, and a Chair from a line department. In October 1994, MIAC had 10 members. It is a working group with access to project staff, as MAB itself does not have staff assigned to it.
Exhibit 3 , based on data from 1987 to 1992, and Exhibit 4 , listing MAB-MIAC publications, illustrate the range of matters that MAB and MIAC have considered.
MAB-MIAC's publication program is designed to provide to public service managers up-to-date guidance and information on key management issues. These papers are often based on case studies from line departments and examples of "best practice". By mid-1996, 21 papers had been issued.
The creation of MIAC has had a number of benefits:
Since the establishment of MIAC...a majority of issues considered by MAB involve this working group, allowing an opportunity to draw upon extensive executive experience from across the APS, through a group chaired by a line manager...The involvement in recent times of senior officer project staff has further increased the potential for achieving a practical, diverse base for MAB-MIAC projects (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 535).
MAB has been very useful in making sure that agencies are working together and talking to each other, and so on, at the highest level. In terms of promoting new management practices [MAB started to] work effectively [when] MIAC came in [and] started to produce the sets of papers [in the publication series]. These papers stimulate discussion and debate on various [important] topics. [They] can be built upon as a vehicle for correcting mistakes and garnering input from the operating departments, [most of which are] represented in the membership of MIAC (1993 interviews).In the last several years an important refinement in the approach of MAB and MIAC has been their efforts to raise the visibility of their work, notably in the regions, including through seminars and workshops.
Several senior officials we interviewed characterized MAB and MIAC as "change agents", advancing best practices and opening up the process of reform, notably in the regions. The "major strength" of MAB is seen as "its capacity to take a high level, APS-wide perspective, effectively involving those outside the formal centre" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 537).
As one senior official expressed it:
MAB was established with two real roles. One was to encourage and lead the further development of management reform in the public sector; the other was to provide a vehicle for the various institutions that have a management role in government, that is, the Department of Finance for financial management, the Public Service Commission for people management, and the Department of Industrial Relations on the employer side, to ensure that they each understood what the other was doing and to co-ordinate their activities in a constructive way. MAB would also receive feedback from operating departments, from the union movement and from the private sector (1993 interviews).The 1992 launching by MAB of a Task Force on Management Improvement to evaluate management improvements in the public service since 1983 demonstrates the contribution that the Board has made. With the Secretary of the Prime Minister and Cabinet Department as Chairperson of MAB, the Board is recognized as a spokesperson for the public service, maintaining a public profile in that regard.
Government Business Enterprises and Statutory Authorities
All government business enterprises (GBEs), established under federal or state corporations law, and many statutory authorities created by specific federal legislation, are established outside the Australian Public Service and therefore do not fall under the jurisdiction of the Public Service Act . The largest GBEs account for a significant proportion of the economic activity and employment in their respective sectors of the Australian economy (e.g. land transport, telecommunications). In 1987, the Labor government began a program of major asset sales. Consequently, several of the 20 major GBEs then in existence have been subject to privatization, notably the major international air carrier, Qantas Airways. 45Following a 1987 White Paper - "Policy Guidelines for Statutory Authorities and Government Business Enterprises" 46 - a series of reforms has significantly altered accountability relationships with ministers and the public service, replacing "hands-on" ministerial control and involvement in day-to-day operations with a greater commercial and customer orientation. These reforms are considered to have influenced later public service reforms. In addition, since 1988, in line with the commercialization thrust, a number of functions previously within the public service have been transferred to GBEs and statutory authorities. 47
The overall objective of GBE and statutory authority reform was to improve economic performance, which had been lacklustre. For example, through the 1970s, GBEs such as Australian National Railways and Australian Shipping performed "neither well nor consistently", as measured by rates of return (E. Harman, in P. Weller et al. 1993: p. 26). One common thrust was "corporatization", that is, the adoption of an institutional structure and mode of operations akin to those of private corporations, which is now widespread among GBEs (R. Clare, K. Johnston 1993: p. 2). Initiatives included a requirement for improved quality of information and corporate planning to promote more efficient and effective management and government oversight at a strategic level, the setting of ministerially agreed target rates of return combined with market valuation of assets, and a requirement for GBEs to pay dividends to the government (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 319).
The effort in GBE corporate planning 48 came just as similar reforms within the public service were receiving greater emphasis. As a result, GBEs' use of corporate plans served to some extent as a model for departments and agencies in the public service. GBEs' increased focus on their customers, and consequent changes in management processes and corporate culture, were also relevant to commercial functions within the public service. The results since 1987 have been promising: "For many GBEs there have been large improvements in financial and productivity performance" (R. Clare, K. Johnston 1992: p. 43).
The department that initiated many of these structural reforms was Transport and Communications. After the 1987 restructuring, the department initially grew but then shrank, as many of its functions were transferred to GBEs or statutory authorities. The process was described by senior officials in the following terms:
We ended up with almost all the government's business enterprises of any note within this portfolio. As part of the restructuring of the economy - the restructuring of the portfolios themselves - we pulled together 12,000 people. We then said, what needs to be done by the Department of State? What can be done by full cost recovery - in a regular agency - and what can be done by corporations? We were given a mandate to implement very extensive policy reform in all parts of the portfolio.
That was inextricably linked to the GBE reform process: trying to improve the efficiency [of] GBEs by increasing the competition that they faced in a number of sectors. [These reforms] required a corporate planning process, including financial targets, and performance indicators...payment of dividends [and] substantial improvements in productivity and return to the shareholder.
In a structural sense, what happened was that we went from 12,000 people to 1,200. We hived off two very large operational and safety industries in the aviation sector - the Federal Airports Corporation, responsible for the management of our airports, and the Civil Aviation Authority, which was responsible for the control [safety] of the airways. We also hived off what became the Maritime Safety Authority, which was responsible for navigational aids, lighthouses and sea safety. We introduced competition in telecommunications, and set up a new regulatory body, AUSTEL, to administer both the technical and economic regulation in that area. In the broadcasting sector, we changed the nature of regulation (1993 interviews).
Evaluating the Reforms
The 1990 Report of the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Finance and Public Administration, "Not Dollars Alone", 49 examined the Financial Management Improvement Program and, in particular, the Department of Finance 1988 FMIP Report. While endorsing the aims and objectives of FMIP, the Committee found many areas where reforms were not fully operational in departments and agencies. There were six major concerns:
- Running costs system. The system had generally contributed to improving resource management, but needed to be better linked to program outcomes. The efficiency dividend was considered by departments to be imposed upon them, and was viewed as a disincentive to good performance.
- User charging. In some cases, essential information systems (for example to produce costing information) were deficient; in other cases, there were concerns about public interest factors such as equity and access.
- Devolution. Public sector managers had been given greater scope and flexibility in financial administration, but further devolution needed to be based on demonstrated improvements in information systems, evaluation and accountability practices. 50
- Performance information. A concerted effort was required to improve this information, as well as the related areas of management information systems and evaluation. Most departments had a considerable way to go in achieving systematic and comprehensive evaluation.
- Accountability. The need for parliamentary scrutiny of FMIP changes was emphasized. Greater co-operation was needed from public servants appearing as witnesses before committees. The role of the Australian National Audit Office in accountability, through its efficiency audits, was supported but the ANAO needed more resources to conduct these audits.
- Resource management training. Central agency co-ordination and funding to supplement departments' responsibilities for staff training and development were required.
Task Force on Management Improvement
In April 1992, the Management Advisory Board established the following terms of reference for an evaluation study:
... to provide an overview of all significant changes in the personnel, financial and industrial relations framework, directed at improving the government's programs and services, to evaluate their overall outcomes accordingly, and to report on directions for the 1990s (p. 46).MAB created the Task Force on Management Improvement (TFMI) to undertake the evaluation under the guidance of the Management Improvement Advisory Committee. The evaluation plan focussed on broad themes, as opposed to detailed evaluation of individual programs, and drew upon detailed evaluations done by others. Data were obtained from a wide range of sources:
- a survey of agencies (30 agencies, covering all portfolio departments and a number of others);
- a survey of staff (a 63 percent response rate from a sample of some 10,000 public servants, about one out of every 15, at all levels and locations);
- a survey of users of programs and services (a population sample of some 2,400 people);
- specific submissions (40), case studies (46) and research reports (10);
- interviews (including of senior management, other staff and union representatives); and
- seminars and workshops.
- What are the management improvement strategies, and how do they relate to each other?
- Have these strategies been implemented?
- What have been the outputs of the strategies; has a new management environment been created?
- What have been the resulting changes in program performance, including agency, staff and client perspectives?
- Are the current objectives relevant for the 1990s and beyond?
- Are there better ways of achieving the relevant objectives, including experience in Australian states and other countries?
A second dimension of the evaluation was to consider the relevance of reform objectives to the 1990s and to question whether there were better ways to meet these objectives. The focus of this part of the report encompassed service to the public; improving performance at the agency level, from the central agencies and from staff; accountability; the management of change; and the need for co-ordination of continuous reform from the centre.
The evaluation report, entitled "The Australian Public Service Reformed, An Evaluation of a Decade of Management Reform", was released in July 1993. Prime Minister Keating, speaking on the release date, referred to this evaluation as an "ambitious undertaking" and "a comprehensive survey of management change" (P. Keating 1993: p. 4). 51
Conclusions. The TFMI Evaluation 1993 offered three general conclusions about the decade of reform:
- the direction of the reforms has been correct;
- they have been well accepted 52 and have had many positive effects, as well as some costs (especially in implementation); and
- more needs to be done, especially to extend them across the Australian public service, and to incorporate them into the culture of the entire administration (p. 1).
1. Have the reform strategies been implemented? The answer is yes. The reforms as a whole have been successfully incorporated into their respective work areas, although some concerns were expressed about the need for better consultation and evaluation procedures and for greater devolution within agencies, in addition to what has been devolved from the centre. The findings also raised questions about whether accountability arrangements - seen as a necessary concomitant of devolution - were in place and operating successfully. Submissions received from the public indicated that the reforms had been moving in the right direction, but neither far nor fast enough.
2. What have been the outputs? There was a general view by agencies and staff that the reforms have had a positive impact on agency management and performance. Senior executives perceived an increase in service quality, but also noted an increase in the costs of service delivery. Results orientation has improved, although there was still too much emphasis on process and inputs. Reforms to the budgetary and resource management framework - the forward estimates, running costs systems, program management and budgeting (but not the efficiency dividend) - were widely supported by agencies. People management needed more attention - although what was needed was seen differently, emphasizing either more training and recognition or more streamlining and devolution.
3. What have been the resulting changes in program performance? Most staff surveyed believed that the quality of work done in their agencies was high and that performance was improving both in quantity and in quality. An increased client focus was also noted, with most agencies having taken initiatives to increase this focus, for example, through commercial reforms. The evidence on quality of service (based in part on a structured survey of the general population) was uneven, although direct service agencies tended to do better. No definitive way was found to measure overall savings from the reforms. However, some specific areas, such as the efficiency dividend, were known to have produced significant returns, and there were many examples of cost savings in individual departments. 53
Findings. The main findings of the evaluation, as presented in terms of specific reform topics, were as follows:
1. Human Resource Management
- Improvements in morale and job satisfaction have flowed from the reforms. Of all the areas surveyed, however, morale received the lowest favourable rating (34 percent) and the highest unfavourable rating (20 percent). Adverse effects on morale were attributed to concerns about job security, declining career opportunities, raised performance expectations, the rate of change and, in some cases, problems with implementation of reforms.
- Training has played a key role in assisting with the implementation of management reforms. The breadth and depth of the reforms required extensive training, which was not always forthcoming from departments and agencies.
- The priority for maximizing performance is to integrate and extend the reforms across the public service and to incorporate the new culture of performance into all agencies - especially focussing greater attention on people management.
- Budgetary and financial management reforms have improved effectiveness and efficiency, through a greater results-orientation, managerial flexibility and devolution. Although expenditure restraint in the late 1980s was attributed primarily to the government's exercise of political will, measures such as forward estimates tightened control over budget outlays, and lowered the level of projected expenditures.
- Commercial reforms have offered managers an alternative set of management tools that have contributed to innovative management practice. While specific, aggregate amounts of savings from commercial reforms, such as user charging, have not been readily identified, "an increased cost awareness would suggest that savings have resulted."
- The reforms, including their major component - the FMIP - are seen to have improved the long-term cost-effectiveness of the public service, including the outcomes for taxpayers and clients, at some short-term implementation cost.
The reforms from the 1987 machinery-of-government changes involved only broad conclusions because the changes were considered still too recent. The likely impact was seen to be "greater stability, improvements to program delivery and the efficiency of the policy and decision-making process, and benefits to policy." At the same time, the evaluation noted:
Although disruption was anticipated in 1987, it is now apparent that its extent was underestimated. Attention at the time was focussed successfully on the desired state to be achieved by the changes, and by the concurrent management improvement initiatives, and less so on the change strategies which would assist people across the APS to put them into effect. For example, many agencies and staff believe that the machinery changes diverted effort from management improvement rather than achieving the reverse (p. 84).Nonetheless, the structure chosen in 1987 was described as "sound":
Its flexibility in meeting the government's requirements has been proven over five years of machinery of government stability unprecedented in recent decades. Over this time there have been a number of examples of rapid and effective integration of functions and cultures, and still more for whom real integration at operational levels has taken longer but is in effect or showing promise now (p. 84).Future directions. In considering the relevance of reform objectives to the 1990s, and whether there are better ways to meet these objectives, the TFMI Evaluation 1993 considered a number of issues.
In terms of service to the public, the evaluation's general finding was that there was scope for improvement. It was suggested that Australians tended to have low expectations regarding the quality of government services. Moreover, the majority of those surveyed were largely unaware of improvements. However, those aware of a change in quality were positive about it. A client focus in commercial areas, and an awareness of other stakeholders in non-commercial areas, has taken root in some departments but was not fully in evidence service-wide.
In terms of leadership, the evaluation noted the need for more activity at the centre; for example, by giving the Management Advisory Board a higher profile. More could also be done in line agencies, including the promotion of best practices. There was a need for a continuing focal point, so that the Chair of the Management Advisory Board (who is also the Secretary of the Prime Minister and Cabinet Department) and the Public Service Commissioner could speak for the public service in their respective areas, and ensure a wider appreciation of reform issues.
The evaluation noted that the expectation of "doing more with less" was having a "disquieting effect" on staff. Many public servants were not satisfied with the measures in place in the areas of management of underperforming staff, career development and training. Although nearly three-quarters of staff felt that their job made good use of their skills and abilities, about one-third did not believe they were given sufficient opportunities for skill improvement. With regard to improving the performance of agencies and of the centre, departments and agencies were seen as having undergone some corporate culture change, but more was needed to complete the reforms and develop a true focus on results. Central agencies could play a stronger role in facilitating reform, but there was no support for a single central management agency.
With respect to accountability, the evaluation offered an overall finding, namely, that public service reforms have had a positive impact on accountability. Both staff and agencies were cited as expressing strong views to this effect. However, another finding was that public servants needed to better appreciate the multiple obligations involved. For example, an increased focus on clients, coupled with a less clear assignment of responsibility and lack of information about policy goals, was seen as possibly leading to over-identification by staff with customers, although there was no evidence that such problems had increased since 1983.
Responding to the Evaluation
At the time of the release of the TFMI Evaluation in 1993, the Prime Minister made public two other documents, each of which was issued as an MAB-MIAC report:
- "Building a Better Public Service"; and
- "Accountability in the Commonwealth Public Sector".
"Accountability in the Commonwealth Public Sector" was linked to the evaluation in that the latter assessed reaction to a 1991 "exposure draft" document intended to stimulate discussion on this critical issue. Further work on accountability issues and the related area of ethics has been undertaken, as reflected later in this section.
"Building a Better Public Service" provided a number of summary comments on the whole body of public service reforms, including the following:
In the Board's view the financial, human resource management and industrial relations reform frameworks in the public service are close to current best practice in many other public services, and in some instances they clearly exceed it (p. 10).MAB-MIAC reached four conclusions, based on the TFMI evaluation and "other evidence", about the "results to date of the program of reform" in the public service:
Ministers are now in a better position to set the strategic directions for their portfolios and to direct the efforts of their departments. Fewer matters need to be resolved by the Cabinet. There is improved co-ordination, and [there are] clearer lines of control and accountability [for] related activities within the consolidated departmental structures.
The essential professional ethic of the public service - to serve all governments with equal dedication and loyalty while maintaining the highest standards of behaviour and discretion - has been reinforced.
The corporate planning, program management and budgeting and associated reforms have given public service agencies a much clearer understanding of their objectives, the ways in which resources are to be deployed to meet those objectives, and the results of their policies and programs...There is no doubt that government programs now secure better outcomes and represent better value for money.
The working environment for staff has been improved by the devolution of authority, better job design, more participative approaches to work and fairer personnel management policies and practices (p. 9-10).
At the same time, "Building a Better Public Service" stated that there was "absolutely no room for complacency." MAB-MIAC then set forward a three-pronged strategic base for the ongoing reform program:
- making performance count - by looking closely at client needs and service quality, evaluating achievements, rewarding good performance at all levels, learning from and building on past performance, and being accountable;
- leadership - emphasizing the key responsibility of agency heads in managing for results, and clarifying the roles of the central agencies and other mechanisms for sharing knowledge and experience; and
- strengthening the culture of continuous improvement - through better people management and development, and by embedding attitudes and a culture that continually seeks to find better ways to achieve desired results (p. 11).
Making performance count. In regard to making performance count, MAB-MIAC noted that client focus and service quality represent another challenge for public service performance, including a need to improve service standards, to better co-ordinate agencies' service delivery to achieve a "whole-client" approach, and to develop a more sophisticated approach to measuring service quality. 54
In regard to improving service delivery, it noted the growth in the use of information technology:
The imaginative use of technology continues to play a significant part in achieving quality service...The rapid growth of new systems is changing the way government does business. A number of departments and agencies are already using, or are moving to adopt, data networks (such as the Internet) as a means of improving communication and information transmission within government, and of delivering services to clients and industry more effectively and efficiently (MAB-MIAC October 1994:Leadership. MAB-MIAC's leadership strategy was to involve both top officials and central agencies. The chair of the Management Advisory Board was expected to continue to maintain a public role by speaking on behalf of the public service. Attributes of effective leadership by secretaries include: articulating clear messages about overall government direction; improving two-way communication with staff; and rewarding good performance. Central agencies will continue to be more concerned with establishing frameworks "within which managers are authorized to manage" than with managing from the centre. As necessary, they may also have to make adjustments in service-wide management policies and structures. Among the matters that will compel central agencies' attention are effective consultation with line agencies, and provision of better guidance to them, including examples of best practice in other private and public sector organizations, both in Australia and overseas.
p. 2, 14).
In "Ongoing Reform", MAB-MIAC noted a "thrust...to a new collegiate leadership", consistent with greater devolution:
[This new] leadership is being developed [to allow] the experience of line departments and agencies [to] contribute to setting the management environment and framework for the public service. This is important to ensure the capacity of the APS for following through in implementing the policies that the Cabinet has decided (p. 11).Culture of continuous improvement. MAB-MIAC's strategic focus on strengthening the culture of continuous improvement is about people. As it stated in "Building a Better Public Service":
Since the public service is a service industry its greatest assets will always be the knowledge, skills and capabilities of its people. As performance improvement generally is pursued, the focus will strengthen on the quality, skills and training of the people in the service and their performance - this means how people are selected to join the service, how they are trained to carry out their responsibilities, how they are developed and promoted and how they are motivated to improve their performance (p. 19).Several suggestions were made to strengthen human resource management, including the following:
- Change in organizational culture and attitudes. This was an area where change could not be "simply mandated." It was to be pursued through the Public Service Commission's human resource management framework and the 1992 workplace bargaining framework agreement between the government and the public service unions. The 1992 agreement put the foundations in place, but it needed to be fully implemented. The development of team and participative approaches was suggested as being important in this regard. Public servants' positive attitudes and commitment to a better public service needed to be "brought more clearly to the forefront and used to underpin a real culture of continuous improvement" (MAB-MIAC 1993: p. 19). 55 In "Ongoing Reform", MAB-MIAC noted "recent developments" in workplace bargaining, including "some [greater] devolution of authority for, and greater flexibility in, pay arrangements and the organization of work through negotiation at agency level" (p. 8).
- Merit. The public service will need to continue to recruit, promote and develop its people on the basis of merit. Some personnel practices, however, could be administered more efficiently and "there is scope to review some of the basic processes underpinning the personnel system" (MAB-MIAC 1993: p. 23). Such concerns, voiced in mid-1993, led to the review of the Public Service Act , begun a year later, and to the MAB-MIAC studies on cost-effective personnel services (an examination that compares costs in the Australian public service with those of best private sector practices) and on innovative ways of organizing people.
- Contracts of employment. Wider and better use could be made of contract employment for senior executive service staff by providing greater flexibility in remuneration packages and other terms and conditions of employment. Such contracts would be for a reasonable period and would be made with the government and not a particular minister. Termination would be for reasonable cause and by a specific due process. In increasing the use of contract employment, it will be important to ensure that values such as "free and frank" provision of advice are protected.
- Training and development. Agency heads need to give greater attention to quantity, quality and effectiveness. Training should increasingly develop relevant skills to help people work together more effectively and help spread the culture of continuous improvement. Training needs to be seen as a means to an end - better service to government and the public - and not as an end in itself.
- Individual performance management. Continuing emphasis on productivity and quality of service to the public requires greater attention to the link between individual and organizational performance. These pressures will require "a much more coherent and strategic approach" (MAB-MIAC 1993: p. 21). Standards and systems need greater refinement, and more options are needed for rewarding outstanding performance, in addition to performance pay. Remuneration should not lag behind levels elsewhere in the public or private sectors - which is perceived as a risk to the quality of the public service - but should not lead those sectors either.
- Mobility. Staff will expect to attain career objectives by working in more than one agency, and this will require greater attention to career planning by managers, supervisors and staff themselves.
- Working together. All staff need to have a shared understanding of program objectives and a shared acceptance of approaches. MAB-MIAC emphasized the importance of enhancing the good relationships between staff and management that currently exist in many organizations. Better liaison and communication with the regions was also seen as an important challenge.
- responsiveness to governments - serving ministers and the government loyally and impartially, and providing frank, honest and comprehensive advice;
- a focus on results - pursuing efficiency and effectiveness at all levels, and delivering services conscientiously and courteously;
- merit as the basis for staffing - ensuring equality of opportunity, and providing fair and reasonable rewards as an incentive to high performance;
- the highest standards of probity, integrity and conduct - acting in accordance with the letter and spirit of the law, dealing equitably, honestly and responsively with the public, and avoiding real or apparent conflicts of interest;
- a strong commitment to accountability - contributing fully to (a) the agency's accountability to government, (b) government's accountability to Parliament, and (c) Parliament's accountability to the people; fully supporting the related administrative and legal measures; and recognizing that those who delegate responsibility for performance may still be called to account; and
- continuous improvement through teams and individuals - striving for creativity and innovation, and making individual and team performance count (p. 5). 56
- updating by the Public Service Commission of the "Guidelines on Official Conduct of Commonwealth Public Servants", to take account of reforms in recent years and to give added emphasis to the values/ethics framework. This project involved consultations with the public and with the public service unions; 57 and
- a paper on implementing public service ethical standards and values, which "will assist [senior and middle] managers to implement [these standards/values] by giving [them] an understanding of the ethical framework within which they operate, including the role of law, guidelines [etc.]...and a range of practical steps [to take]" (p. 13). 58
This second report reaffirmed ministers' responsibility to Parliament and public servants' accountability to their minister through the chain of command. As the former Prime Minister noted:
Public servants are the employees of Government, not Parliament. A large measure of their direct accountability should therefore be seen in the context of the normal employment obligations that any employee has to his or her employer (P. Keating 1993: p. 8).Among the observations in the 1993 accountability report, aimed at clarifying accountability relationships of public servants, were the following:
- it is insufficient to see accountability mechanisms within agencies involving simply a one-way flow of information and reporting. In a devolved management environment, staff at all levels need to have readily available information (including) statements of objectives (and) resources available;
- it is important that those devolving powers, right up to the Parliament, are provided with timely, relevant and accurate feedback on the performance of public servants; and
- the concepts of success and failure are less clear-cut in the public service than in private enterprise. Yet sustaining effective accountability without rewards and sanctions would be difficult. The main question is, what are appropriate rewards and sanctions (MAB-MIAC 1993: p. 15, 20)?
Another relevant MAB-MIAC project was related to delegated authority, and was intended, among other things, to assist public servants in understanding the legal issues involved. Topics addressed included the design of administrative systems to reflect the consequences of different ways of delegating authority, and the development of principles to guide the recipients of delegated authority.
MAB-MIAC's strategy in "Building a Better Public Service" (that is, making performance count) seeks to ensure that managers, given greater flexibility to manage through devolution of authorities, are made to manage for results within the resources allocated to them, and are more clearly held to account in that regard. The report emphasizes that "facilitating effective strategic oversight of program effectiveness by Ministers, Cabinet and the Parliament is a major issue for program managers" (p. 5).
Several factors come into play to enable this better matching of authority and responsibility. The government's strategic oversight of budget priorities and program objectives requires improved performance information, including higher-quality program evaluation. Effective strategic oversight also requires that high performance programs and good management be identified and rewarded, by ensuring that resources are not reallocated from more efficient to less efficient managers, in effect "bailing them out". While underlining the improvements already made in performance information and program objectives, MAB-MIAC suggest some improvements. Parliament could benefit from an examination of the use of this performance information, and performance pay could be extended from an individual to a group or team basis.
Perhaps the best way to sum up the approach to accountability taken during the period under review is to note some of the key linkages advocated by MAB-MIAC, namely, that the goals of greater responsiveness to government, quality service, high standards of ethics and improved accountability are all essential: "It is an important priority to ensure that public servants understand that these goals do not conflict but are complementary" (MAB-MIAC 1994: p. 12). 60
Conclusion
Our studies of public service reform in other jurisdictions have been undertaken in the belief that important lessons can be learned from understanding the reform ideas and experiences of those facing similar challenges. The information presented in the main body of this text will assist the reader with a knowledge of Canadian public service reform efforts to appreciate that there were significant similarities in the Australian context during the period under study.The Australian and Canadian governments were each confronted by radically changing economic circumstances combined with increasing and shifting public expectations of government. In each case, it was recognized that the structures, systems and practices of public service management had to be modernized. At the same time, there were a number of important differences in the domestic environments of each country. Three need to be emphasized, given their effects on the reforms pursued as well as the priority accorded them.
First, by the early 1980s, the Australian government had lagged behind Canada and some other countries in its efforts to modernize its management regime. Most notably, its expenditure management system was still characterized by a line-item budgeting approach that had long since been abandoned in Canada. In areas such as the use of performance pay and related performance appraisal systems, it was also well behind Canadian developments.
However, the realization in Australia of the extent of change required to catch up with best practices elsewhere produced a commitment and momentum that served to propel changes across a wide spectrum. Considerable progress was thus achieved during more than a decade of reform begun in 1983.
Second, the Labor government that came to power at the beginning of this period was committed to a harmonious working relationship with the union movement. Its Accord with unions, renegotiated throughout this period, in combination with a national wage-setting scheme that served as a backdrop for public service wage determination, contributed to reaching relatively amicable settlements with the public service unions. As a consequence, in broad terms the public service became subject to the same legislative framework for wage determination as the private sector, and other reforms ensued. For example, workplace bargaining (that is, second-tier departmental bargaining) was introduced with a view to enhancing productivity; and "industrial democracy" initiatives were undertaken in order to improve consultation with employees and their representatives and the participation of employees in decision making. It would be inaccurate, as well as misleading, to suggest that their implementation did not involve stresses and strains on the system. However, heavy emphasis by the Labor government on reforms of this nature reflected a belief that they would lead to a more efficient and effective workplace.
Third, the fiscal circumstance of the Australian government was markedly different from the Canadian situation. Simply put, Australia has neither accumulated the level of debt extant in Canada nor did it face the continual pressure of substantial deficits throughout the period. Indeed, surpluses were achieved each year from 1987-88 to 1990-91. As a consequence, in developing its reform program it was able to adopt a relatively coherent and consistent approach based on a philosophy of continuous improvement.
The objectives of reform in Australia, beyond the need to improve leadership and responsiveness and to cut the costs of government (both operating and program expenditures), were clearly focussed on the following:
- increased attention to results, including cost-effectiveness, service quality and program outcomes;
- enhanced delegation and devolution of authority, combined with strengthened accountability; and
- streamlined and simplified administrative systems, encompassing efficiency measures, increased flexibility and a more commercial approach to the management of resources.
The first key factor was the extent to which the political leadership, in government and in Parliament, recognized and accepted the need for public service reform, broadly defined, in order to pursue a more general reform of government and its role in managing public affairs. In particular, ministers were aware, or came to appreciate, that significant government reform required major administrative reforms. Improved performance of government was seen to be dependent, in large part, on a well-functioning professional public service.
Australian reformers did not begin with a fully developed "grand plan", nor did they entirely avoid problems in communicating and implementing their evolving program. While senior public servants played a critical role in shaping the reform agenda, much of what was achieved relied on political impetus and ongoing support. The critical roles in this regard of the two Labor prime ministers, and other key ministers, have been acknowledged both by those who were engaged in reform and by outside academic analysts.
This strong leadership, and indeed engagement in the reform program, were complemented and supplemented in Australia by continuing parliamentary interest, scrutiny and prodding throughout the period.
The second key factor was the extent to which Australian reformers sought to develop a program that aimed at improving the effectiveness of government rather than simply a narrow focus on efficiency. This focus on results in the broadest sense meant that ministers and officials alike recognized the need to enhance their capacities to pursue a strategic approach to both government and public service reform. This, in turn, required a good measure of central direction, combined with central oversight of implementation by departments and agencies. Accordingly, while the reforms were incremental in nature, and proceeded at a pace and in a manner determined largely by individual departments and agencies, they were not disjointed.
Furthermore, while it would be an exaggeration to suggest that everything has fallen into place, their strategic approach has resulted in significant strides being made, as evidenced, for example, by the extensive devolution of administrative authority that came with efforts to better manage financial and human resources in departments and agencies. It has also been evidenced by the extent to which program evaluation has become an integral element in budgetary decision-making.
Finally, and not unrelated to Australia's strategic approach, their record illustrates the importance of evaluation in the process of continuous learning. This was best exemplified by the creation of the Management Advisory Board and its Management Improvement Advisory Committee. In creating the Management Advisory Board as a statutory body, the Labor government sought coherent advice on the public service. This structure produced a series of studies on various aspects of reform. Most crucial, however, based on its responsibility to advise government on the measures necessary to ensure the long-term health and capability of the public service, it was the vehicle for an unprecedented comprehensive evaluation of a full decade of reform. More so than the evaluation efforts in any other country, this evaluation project and report provided the political and public service leadership with a thorough assessment of what had been accomplished and where shortcomings remained, with signposts for future directions. The Australian experience demonstrates that evaluation is central to organizational learning and that a reform program is but one part of continuous improvement.
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Footnotes
1 Over the last decade, currency exchange rates have fluctuated. On March 1, 1996, the Australian dollar was worth $1.04 Canadian.2 Two of the last six general elections (in 1983 and 1987) have involved a dissolution of both the Senate and House of Representatives.
3 For example, following the 1987 election the 30-member ministry comprised 16 Cabinet ministers and 14 junior ministers.
4 There are several types of parliamentary committees. These include standing and select committees in both the Senate and House of Representatives, and joint committees of both houses, some of which have been established by statute. An example of the latter is the Joint Committee of Public Accounts, which examines the reports of the Auditor-General. Standing Committees in each house have oversight responsibilities related to appropriations and other matters, including the performance of programs, departments and other agencies. Certain of them have spent a significant part of their time on public service management issues.
5 M. Codd, "The Role of Secretaries of Departments in the APS", Public Service Commission, Occasional Papers, No. 8, 1990: p. 5, 6. The outline of the constitutional provisions presented here relies on Codd's discussion. At the time Codd's paper was published he was Secretary, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, and Secretary to the Cabinet (responsibilities that parallel those of the Clerk of the Privy Council in Canada).
6 The net reduction in the size of the Australian public service resulting from changes in Public Service Act coverage between July 1987 and June 1995 was approximately 21,000, which amounts to 67 percent of the total over the same period.
7 The new coalition government's 1996-97 Budget (August 20, 1996) foresees a decline of some 10,500 in the number of people employed (permanent or temporary) under the Public Service Act during the budget year.
8 The public service is heavily unionized (about 70 percent). The major unions are: the Public Service Union, by far the largest, with some 85,000 members (1992); and several other trades unions, with membership mostly outside the public service, such as the Building Workers' Industrial Union and the Metals and Engineering Workers' Union. The national umbrella organization for trade unions is the Australian Council of Trade Unions.
9 In response to Coombs, 1979 amendments to the Audit Act (1901) authorized discretionary efficiency audits to form "an opinion concerning the extent to which ... operations are being carried on in an economical and efficient manner" (s. 2(4)). The efficiency audit mandate has been applied to departments and agencies within the public service, but not to government business enterprises (L. English, J. Guthrie 1991: p. 350-355). Efficiency, regularity (financial and compliance) and "project audits" (relating to "the better collection and payment of public money") are considered to provide a comprehensive auditing mandate.
10 Following the election of a new government in March 1996, with different industrial relations policies, the Accord no longer exists.
11 In 1991 Prime Minister Hawke had a personal staff of 32 advisors, and the Hawke ministry had a total of 370 specialist staffers (advisors), with an annual wage bill of some $A 19 million (D. O'Reilly 1991). The total number of advisors may be compared with the staff used in 1991-92 by the central agencies; in particular, the 370 advisors were equal to some 40 percent of the 917 staff used by the Department of Finance in that year.
12 Previous practice placed obstacles in the way of a minister who wanted to move a permanent head (secretary), including obtaining the latter's agreement. Although a report prepared for the Coombs Commission noted that it was doubtful whether "most permanent heads could resist long-continued pressure for their replacement", the ultimate means available to the government was abolition of the permanent head's department (M. Codd 1990: p. 85-86).
13 "The great majority of secretaries elected to take up fixed-term appointments with a 20 percent [increase in remuneration, as determined by the Remuneration Tribunal] in recognition of their loss of [tenure]" (MAB-MIAC 1994: p. 10-11).
14 The Second Division of the Australian Public Service was composed of higher-level managerial, policy and professional positions, and ranked below the First Division, that is, the top-level or departmental secretary posts.
15 The Joint Committee of Public Accounts, "The Selection and Development of Senior Managers in the Commonwealth Public Service", 1982.
16 The Management Advisory Board struck a task force - the Task Force on Management Improvement (TFMI) - to carry out an evaluation of reforms. Its report, "The Australian Public Service Reformed, An Evaluation of a Decade of Management Reform", dated December 1992, was released in July 1993 and is herein referred to as the TFMI Evaluation 1993.
17 A 1993-94 ANAO audit found that in the first round of performance pay (1992-93), 90 percent of departments and agencies paid performance pay to 90 percent of their senior officers and SES staff. There was a need to determine whether performance pay was to be used to reward exceptional performance or in recognition of attainment of normal requirements; in the first year, ratings of "fully effective" as well as "superior" and "outstanding" qualified for performance pay. The agencies surveyed were not meeting quality control and other guidelines for the appraisal process used for performance pay. Officers in higher classifications, who were eligible for larger payments, attracted higher performance ratings ("Pay for Performance: Performance Appraisal and Pay in the APS", Audit Report No. 16, 1993-94).
18 The Joint Training Council was set up in 1990. Chaired by the Public Service Commissioner (with Commission staff support), its 11 other members were divided roughly equally between senior officials and union representatives (and one member from the education sector).
19 In May 1996 the coalition government introduced a Bill - the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill - to amend the Industrial Relations Act , 1988 and other Acts. The Bill, described as "a significant step in the reform of the industrial relations system" (Australian government media release, 23 May 1996), is intended to provide further labour market flexibility and to alter the role of the AIRC in the setting of awards.
20 House of Representatives Standing Committee on Banking, Finance and Public Administration, "Keeping the Customer Satisfied: Inquiry into the Devolution of Running Costs Flexibilities", October 1995.
21 Several authoritative sources have made this point. One referred to the "neglect of people" in connection with the Financial Management Improvement Program, a major reform thrust during this period (J. Baker, in G. Davis, P. Weller 1989: p. 126); another called for "renewed emphasis on the human dimensions of management", and noted "we (the public sector) have tended to neglect...people" (P. Wilenski 1988, cited in TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 431).
22 Joint Committee of Public Accounts, "Managing People in the Australian Public Service: Dilemmas of Devolution and Diversity", December 1992.
23 A 1993-94 ANAO audit of procedures to deal with inefficient staff found that the procedures introduced in 1987, which were aimed at making it easier for management to move quickly to remove such staff, were considered by many agencies as "complex, difficult, lengthy, expensive and biased towards the individual." New procedures, introduced in 1992, were intended to reduce the time and administrative complexity of the process, and "have been accepted with cautious optimism" (p. xii). While the ANAO estimated that there could be up to 2,250 underperforming staff (1.5 percent of the workforce) who were candidates for inefficiency actions, only 220 such actions had been initiated since 1987; many more staff had been released through measures related to discipline, excess staff and fitness for duty ("Underperforming Officers in the APS", Audit Report No. 17 1993-94).
24 Report of the Public Service Act Review Group, "Summary of Recommendations and Government Decisions", Public Service Commission August 1995.
25 "A New Public Service Act : Progress Report to the House of Representatives", G. Johns November 1995.
26 The coalition's election platform (Public Administration Policy) indicated, "A Coalition Government will continue the process of reform and implement the broad thrust of the recommendations of the McLeod Report" (p. 2). Subsequently, in a November 1996 discussion paper, the coalition government affirmed its intention to revamp the Public Service Act as part of broader measures to "achieve better governance through improving the quality of the APS." That paper further states:
The focus of the Government's far-reaching public service reform agenda is to shed the cultural baggage of the past. Its goal is to simplify and streamline unnecessary process, prescription and central control. In part this will involve rewriting the legislative framework; in part simplifying APS awards and agreement-making processes; and in part transforming management culture. The Government seeks action on all fronts (P. Reith 1996: p. 4, 7).
27 Dr. Michael Keating and Dr. Malcolm Holmes, at the time Secretary and Principal Advisor, respectively, of the Department of Finance.
28 House of Representatives Standing Committee on Banking, Finance and Public Administration, "Keeping the Customer Satisfied: Inquiry into the Devolution of Running Costs Flexibilities", October 1995.
29 House of Representatives Standing Committee on Banking, Finance and Public Administration, "Stand and Deliver: Inquiry into the Efficiency Dividend Arrangements", March 1994.
30 The coalition government's 1996-97 Budget also imposed a general running costs reduction additional to the efficiency dividend.
31 The Senate Estimates Committees, established in 1970, are now called Legislation Committees. They divide the portfolios among themselves and carry out an examination of the estimates at two times in the annual budget cycle -- when the budget is tabled in Parliament and when additional (supplementary) estimates are issued; with the changes introduced by the Labor government, in May and November. The November period, when annual reports become available, also focusses on a review of program performance, although some informed observers question the effectiveness of the scrutiny process. They see the Committees as more interested in scoring political points than in carrying out a careful, systematic review (1993 interviews).
32 Among the examples cited by MAB: evaluations of the Access and Equity strategy, and of the Newstart, Child Support and Jobs Education and Training programs (MAB-MIAC 1994: p. 8).
33 Hawke defined economic restructuring as "no longer assume[ing] that greater prosperity results simply from shearing more sheep, harvesting more wheat, and finding new minerals. To a large extent...restructuring relie[s] upon improving the performance of the private sector [through] being more productive and competitive" (R.J. Hawke 1989: p. 7-8).
34 The concept of accrual accounting, standard practice in the private sector, requires that revenues and expenses be reported in the period in which they occur rather than when the related cash is received or paid. Implicit in this notion is the valuation and depreciation of capital assets and the recognition of liabilities. Accrual accounting brings with it the ability to account for the real costs of government resource use.
35 In its August 1996 Budget the new coalition government announced its acceptance of the recommendations of a review of commercial businesses in DAS. The 1996-97 Portfolio Budget Statements for Administrative Services indicate that planned reforms will include: the sale of six businesses and corporatization of another with a view to sale within two years; and restructuring of five businesses, with substantial market testing of non-core activities.
36 In its 1996-97 Budget the coalition government adopted a fiscal strategy aimed at securing a balanced budget within three years, primarily through expenditure restraint: "The focus in achieving expenditure reductions [is] on reassessing existing spending priorities, ensuring greater efficiency and effectiveness in the delivery of public services and enhancing accountability mechanisms" (1996-97 Budget, Statement 1, August 1996: p. 7). Savings measures include a two percent reduction in running costs for departments and agencies (in addition to the ongoing one percent efficiency dividend).
37 The coalition government has committed to establish, through legislation, a new fiscal framework (a "Charter of Budget Honesty") aimed at producing "better fiscal outcomes by putting in place institutional arrangements to improve the discipline, transparency and accountability applying to the conduct of fiscal policy." The legislation will incorporate many of the recommendations of the National Commission of Audit, established following the March 1996 election to investigate and report on the government's financial position and issues related to the management of government finances. The main features of the fiscal framework are to include:
- a requirement that fiscal policy be formulated against a set of principles of sound fiscal management contained in the legislation;
- regular reports on fiscal performance including an independent pre-election report on the economic and fiscal outlook, prepared by the Treasury and Finance Secretaries (that is, Deputy Ministers); and
- a provision that "consistent with the principle that governments should not have privileged access to the public service during the caretaker period following the calling of an election]... both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition [may] request that costings of their announced policies be prepared [and be publicly released] by the Secretaries to the Treasury and Department of Finance" (1996-97 Budget, Statement 1, August 1996: p. 16, 29).
39 The Australian National Audit Office (Audit Report No. 43 1993-94) expressed several concerns: the Bill establishes the ANAO as a statutory authority ("symbolic separation from the Executive"), but without authority to determine staff terms and conditions of employment; it does not allow the ANAO to conduct performance audits of GBEs, except as authorized by Parliament; it does not make provision for a parliamentary audit committee to oversee ANAO funding (the Labor government's proposal to establish such a committee by parliamentary resolution was seen to lack stability and permanence); and it continues the existing practice of auditees paying fees for attest audits although, in the view of the ANAO, Parliament and not audit fee receipts should determine the ANAO's future levels of funding.
40 Australian Cabinet statistics show that in 1985-86, the last full fiscal year before the machinery of government changes, and a pre-election year, there were 221 Cabinet meetings that dealt with 1,040 Cabinet papers, producing 636 budget decisions. These data may be contrasted with the situation six years later, well after the restructuring, that is 1991-92, also a pre-election year, when there were 184 Cabinet meetings, 835 papers presented, and 189 budget decisions (cited in P. Aucoin, H. Bakvis 1993: p. 420).
41 P. Aucoin, H. Bakvis (1993) noted: "In the nearly six years following the 1987 reorganization, there have been no major changes, despite two elections and the arrival of a new prime minister" (p. 400).
42 The coalition Cabinet of March 1996 numbers 15 and the ministry 28. Two portfolios are not represented in Cabinet (Attorney General's and Immigration and Multicultural Affairs) and one (Foreign Affairs and Trade) is represented by two ministers.
43 A significant public service structural initiative was announced by the newly elected coalition government in its August 1996 Budget - the creation of a new service delivery agency, representing a significant organizational separation of operational and policy roles. Initially, the agency will deliver all programs and services of the Department of Social Security (DSS), and some services of the Department of Employment, Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DEETYA). It will be managed by a Chief Executive and Board of Directors that will report to the Minister for Social Security, and operate under formal agreements specifying what the agency must do. It will have a budget of $A 40 billion and a staff of more than 20,000. Ultimately, the agency will "become a one-stop-shop for a wide range of government services" currently delivered by various departments (DSS Budget Overview 1996-97: p. 2). DSS and DEETYA will continue to exist but as much smaller organizations responsible for policy development.
44 As earlier noted, in 1995 the Public Service Commission was amalgamated with the Merit Protection and Review Agency to form the Public Service and Merit Protection Commission.
45 Over the 1987-88 to 1992-93 period, the federal government raised $A 3.3 billion from asset sales and privatization; a further $A 2.5 billion was estimated for 1993-94 and an equivalent amount planned for 1994-95. The privatization of Qantas began in 1992-93 and was completed in 1994-95 (1994-95 Budget, Budget Paper No. 1: p. 3.267-3.268).
46 These reforms evolved from the early 1980s, when several GBEs were restructured and FMIP required accrual accounting in such entities.
47 Two major transfers involved some 1,300 staff who moved from the Transport department to the Federal Airports Corporation, and 7,200 more from the same department who went to the Civil Aviation Authority.
48 "The boards of GBEs must now focus clearly on achieving agreed performance targets over a set time period which are reflected in corporate plans" (TFMI Evaluation 1993: p. 320).
49 House of Representatives Standing Committee on Finance and Public Administration, "Not Dollars Alone, Review of the Financial Management Improvement Program", September 1990.
50 The Committee's report noted: "The Auditor-General has emphasized the importance of having in place systems that facilitate monitoring of operations and accounting for performance. Without these systems there is a risk of inadequate accountability and of `risky management'."
51 The TFMI Evaluation 1993 was regarded at the time of its release as unique in the world. To our knowledge, little review of it has appeared in print. Though some have expressed the view that as an internal study it may be less than objective, the evaluation appears generally to have been accepted as authoritative, and its findings used with confidence.
52 Another philosophical perspective may be mentioned here: the critique of "the new public management" or "managerialism". This critique is considered by its proponents to apply to the body of managerial techniques and approaches underpinning the reforms presented in the TFMI Evaluation 1993. The examples of this point of view mentioned below were cited in an article by a then top official, who also analyzed and replied to each (see M. Keating 1990: p. 388):
- [The] ancient virtues of accountability - simplicity, convenience, visibility, accessibility - are not central to the modern scheme [the new public management or managerialism]...economy, not efficiency, parsimony, not productivity have been the touch stones of this movement (J. Nethercote 1989).
- [The new public management orthodoxy]...strives for higher productivity (above all else) through improved efficiency and cost-effectiveness. Matched with this is a conception of the public not as citizens but as consumers and taxpayers [with predominantly economic interests]...the universal acceptance of a private business model for public administration has many dangers (M. Painter 1988: p. 1-2).
- [The] indicators are that the "people" and "process" emphases run a poor second within the general culture of public service management to emphases on economy, efficiency and effectiveness (A. Yeatman 1987: p. 246).
- Corporate management...elevates economic rationality to primary status in the organization of the work of the public sector, and in so doing attempts to replace the legal and procedural framework of the classical model [of public administration] (M. Considine 1988: p. 10).
- Over the last decade, despite the growth of an extra 1.5 million jobs in the Australian economy, the number of people in the Commonwealth public sector has fallen by some 60,000 to less than 370,000 today. At the same time there has been a significant shift in resources, particularly to the key areas of social security and welfare, health, education, and labor and employment.
- Agency productivity gains are recorded in part through the efficiency dividend [which, since its introduction in 1987-88] has returned [$A] 500 million to the taxpayer...[the dividend currently] returns [$A] 80 million...each year.
- The Department of Finance is involved with several large service delivery agencies, viz. the departments of Employment, Education and Training, Social Security and Veterans' Affairs, in benchmarking service delivery.
- The Department of Social Security has published service standards covering claims processing, accuracy, and service levels at public contact outlets.
- As announced in the "Working Nation" White Paper, the Commonwealth Employment Service is expanding case management services, which is expected "to greatly improve service to clients, by having regard to their individual needs."
56 In November 1995, the Labor minister then responsible indicated his desire to see these values included in the new Public Service Act (G. Johns 1995: p. 2). In a November 1996 discussion paper the responsible minister of the coalition government also indicated that "...much simplified and streamlined, the Act will articulate the key ethical values, standards and principles of public service..." (P. Reith 1996: p. 2).
57 These guidelines were issued by the Public Service Commission in mid-1995. In related correspondence the Commissioner described them as follows:
The revised guidelines are the product of a comprehensive review of the 1987 guidelines and outline the responsibilities of ... public servants to the government, Parliament and the public. They focus particularly on the efficiency, effectiveness, professionalism and integrity of public servants, and on recognizing and avoiding conflict of interest situations...They [also] contain new chapters on issues such as fraud [and] whistleblowing.
58 This paper, titled "Ethical Standards and Values in the Australian Public Service" was issued in early 1996.
59 An exposure draft of a paper titled "Guidelines for Managing Risk in the Australian Public Service" was issued in mid-1995.
60 The coalition government indicated in November 1996 that, as one element in reforms aimed at furthering accountability for results, it was considering the introduction of formal performance agreements for all heads of departments and agencies, and their reclassification as "chief executive officers". These changes would address the need to explicitly recognize their "responsibility to the minister for their agency's performance" and the need for "the exercise of their wide-ranging managerial powers... to be set in an accountability framework which articulates criteria for the measurement of performance." Another proposed reform is the introduction of "a new integrated planning and accountability mechanism known as the Charter of Government Performance." Ministers would be required to publish the performance plan for their portfolios, and these would provide a "cohesive and comprehensive overview of the Government's priorities" as well as a basis for performance assessment (P. Reith 1996: p. 14, 15).
